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the sense that it goes beyond rendering him hors de combat , is illegal. While the use of such banned weapons would constitute a war crime, 85 any tribunal before which an individual was charged would have to consider whether the ordinary soldier to whom such weapons had been issued could reasonably 86 be expected to disobey, especially if he had no other ammunition with which to defend himself
English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.
The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.
, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, including a sitting head of state. Unfortunately, the creation of a lightly armed peacekeeping force, safe havens, and a criminal tribunal still did not curb killings. The notorious 1995 massacre of 7,000 Muslim men and boys in the safe area of Srebrenica by a Serb militia (as Dutch peacekeepers stood aside) finally prompted more decisive action by states on the Security Council. The council endorsed the Dayton Peace Accords and authorized the deployment of a robust 60,000-strong peacekeeping force (under the
This book explains the direct link between the structure of the corporation and its limitless capacity for ecological destruction. It argues that we need to find the most effective means of ending the corporation’s death grip over us. The corporation is a problem, not merely because it devours natural resources, pollutes and accelerates the carbon economy. As this book argues, the constitutional structure of the corporation eradicates the possibility that we can put the protection of the planet before profit. A fight to get rid of the corporations that have brought us to this point may seem an impossible task at the moment, but it is necessary for our survival. It is hardly radical to suggest that if something is killing us, we should over-power it and make it stop. We need to kill the corporation before it kills us.
generate wealth while making nothing new’ (561). If Herbert and Charles’s dreams and visions were compromised by their dependency on American finance, Hissao represents a new phase of the neo-colonialism of Australia in the form of Japanese finance: he is an entrepreneurial whiz-kid of a kind that the 1980s became familiar with, ‘decadent’ and ‘tough’ (585). The impact of this is revealed by contrasting the opening of the novel with its final scenes. The scenario of the ending has much in common with ‘War Crimes’ and ‘American Dreams’, and with
exist, the occupying authority cannot introduce it, even for acts against its forces resulting in death, and even if the lawful government abolished the penalty in anticipation of the occupation. If the methods of killing employed by the population amount to combatant acts, those concerned would lose their protected status and become triable for war crimes. If there are nationals of the Occupant present
international conflicts it is usually considered improper to seek, for example, the assassination of any individual leader of the adverse party, 10 although he may be made the object of an ambush, 11 and, if captured and circumstances warrant, he may be tried for war crimes. Acts of a warlike nature must be directed only against military objects and objectives, ‘those objects which by their
Madchester may have been born at the Haçienda in the summer of 1988, but the city had been in creative ferment for almost a decade prior to the rise of Acid House. The End-of-the-Century Party is the definitive account of a generational shift in popular music and youth culture, what it meant and what it led to. First published right after the Second Summer of Love, it tells the story of the transition from New Pop to the Political Pop of the mid-1980s and its deviant offspring, Post-Political Pop. Resisting contemporary proclamations about the end of youth culture and the rise of a new, right-leaning conformism, the book draws on interviews with DJs, record company bosses, musicians, producers and fans to outline a clear transition in pop thinking, a move from an obsession with style, packaging and synthetic sounds to content, socially conscious lyrics and a new authenticity.
This edition is framed by a prologue by Tara Brabazon, which asks how we can reclaim the spirit, energy and authenticity of Madchester for a post-youth, post-pop generation. It is illustrated with iconic photographs by Kevin Cummins.
seems likely to be the norm rather than the exception. A similar readiness to acknowledge shared responsibilities and common failings would mark the assessment of the way in which the war had been conducted. If war crimes have been committed Peacemaking301 bilaterally, they ought not to be judged unilaterally. At the same time, the judgement and punishment of war crimes seem essential (though who is to be punished and what form punishment should take are subject to other, often prudential, considerations – not least the urgent need to reconcile former belligerents