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was to ‘delight and edify the beholder’, as the proud owner observed. If Southwell did not see such gardens on one of his country house calls, he will certainly have heard about them, in the form of admiring descriptions of their novel delights. English Catholic upset at Burghley’s repressions and the treatment of the loyal courtier Tresham will have been commingled with this garden project in his
’, and the chief means for the realisation of the kingdom, remained unchanged. The team gathered for the papal visit retained something of their identity as ‘Family United’, albeit a very differently ‘configured’ family and one which was compelled to encompass a great diversity of beliefs and practices within its midst. Moreover, whereas Father Peyton would seek to rally ‘Mary’s warriors’, the English Catholics gathered to greet the Pope in 1982 had redefined themselves, through selfreflection and the lay-driven discussions of the 1980 National Pastoral Congress, as an
the Pope, together with a range of English Catholics, both exile and native, and various malcontents and outs, bent on upending the status quo in order to repair their own ruined careers, and put themselves in power, Mary on the throne and the mass back in every church in England. This view of the situation was based upon and sustained by the series of Catholic plots that punctuated the reign. Ranging from the revolt of the Northern earls, through the Ridolfi, Throckmorton, Parry, Babington and Squire plots, these were both very real and heavily ginned up, involving
‘Leicester’s Commonwealth’, implying both Leicester’s ambitions for the crown and his transcendence in his domination of the queen’s affections and power.36 The authorship is generally thought to originate from disaffected English Catholics in exile in France.37 Fletcher’s representation of the ambitious Godunovs, who according to Fletcher dominated Feodor and his government and had already ‘taken away [those] whom they thought likeliest to make head against them and hinder their purpose’,38 could have brought to mind such Catholic accusations against the ‘evil counsellors
attentive to the influence of genre. She argues that devotional prose texts intended for an English Catholic audience construct the Virgin Mary’s grief at the cross in terms that recall medieval mourning rites and the conventions of the evocative Stabat Mater Dolorosa . However, in doing so, such texts are found to actively participate in, and negotiate, the early modern controversies surrounding the
–Smith debate followed the course of a formal Oxford disputation. Featley acted as opponent, and Smith as respondent, with an understanding that the roles would be reversed at their second meeting. Apart from Featley, Smith and Knevet, those present included Knevet’s half-brother John Foord, Pory, Jonson, Rayner, Constable (lay associate of the English Catholic secular clergy in Paris) and Thomas Rant (a former student of Pory’s at Caius College, Cambridge). Unnamed others also attended, both English and French; the number may even have included Sir Walter Ralegh’s unruly son
of the beleaguered and exiled English Catholic community. Through More’s textual sanctification, the early hagio-biographers sought to create a virtual, textual locus for their now-exiled co-religionists to orient and ground themselves within a rapidly shifting religious and intellectual climate. CONTZEN 9780719089701 PRINT (MAD0059) (G).indd 220 01/12/2014 15:34 Reforming grammar Humanist sanctity of sanctity 221 Notes 1 Nicholas Harpsfield, The Life and Death of Sir Thomas Moore, Knight, ed. Elsie Vaughan Hitchcock, EETS O.S. 186 (London: Oxford
‘Little Flower’ – from providing one of the first miracles considered by the Vatican (a Glaswegian woman cured of a tumour in 1909) through to the consolidation of Thérèsian devotion when commemorated in stone or invoked through image, holy cloth and bone. Through examining the processes surrounding the construction of her sanctity, and understandings of her intercessional and therapeutic efficacy, it is possible to identify the persistence of the sort of late nineteenth-century Ultramontane commitments that Lucy Underwood’s chapter on the English Catholic martyrs
to distance themselves from that popish doctrine. Though he published less on anti-popery than he did on the dangers of intraProtestant divisions, Zachary Grey, like most of his contemporaries, was stridently anti-papist.51 Though English Catholics got treated less poorly during the eighteenth century than they had previously, the seventeenth-century anti-popish logic would have been both recognizable to and applied by most in Georgian England.52 Popery was an anti-religion to Protestantism. Popery was foreign, superstitious, man-made and fraudulent; Protestantism
One Catholic woman, herself a convert, delighted in the ability of her sex to work upon men’s souls; in a document newly recovered by Arnold Hunt, a ‘Catholique Lady’, whom Hunt tentatively identifies as Lady Mary Lovell, a ‘cradle Catholic’ and prominent figure among English Catholic exiles in the Low Countries, responded to Hoby’s accusation that Jesuit priests preferred to