Search results
narratives celebrate Xi’s ‘new era’ as a reshaping of world order with a ‘new type of International Relations’ (Xi 2013 ). Nevertheless, global euphoria amongst Chinese elites is embedded in anxieties that ethnic minority identities are ‘colonial manipulations’ that threaten state sovereignty, which has culminated in ‘fusion’ ( jiaorong ) ethnic policies to secure China’s identity and the Great Revival. Xi's ‘justice’ 2 narrative reflects intertwined anxieties regarding Western colonial desires to convert China and the
responsible for new political values and priorities, and an increase in ethnic diversity, which has introduced an enduring division over immigration and race. Within two generations these twin developments have changed Britain almost beyond recognition. Someone born in the 1950s was raised in an almost entirely white society and with little prospect of going to university. 2 Their grandchild born in 2019 will go
furthered an ongoing process of monocultural nation-building. Their legacy is characterised by the persistence of institutional racism in many areas of social policy, a long-standing denial of Traveller ethnicity and denial of anti-Traveller racism. State responses to Travellers continue to be characterised by monoculturalism and to be dominated by ideological goals of assimilation notwithstanding the emergence of new discourses of inclusion and integration. These responses continue to foster the racialisation of Travellers as a deviant sub-group within a homogeneously
state behaviour towards ethnic outsiders that were characteristic of twentieth-century Britain. The template was the Aliens Act of 1905 when an anti-alien campaign resulted in the passage of the cornerstone of all subsequent attempts to exclude ethnic groups with the ‘wrong’ credentials,9 most notably a series of Acts from the 1950s until the 1970s to limit black and Asian immigrants.10 From our perspective the closest parallel is the decision to introduce internment in June 1940. Although preparations had existed for mass incarceration before this time, the
like coming of age during a phase of national conflict when some Palestinian and Israeli government leaders, not just fringe figures, used religio-ethnic symbols to motivate and divide? 2 Since 1967, the symbolic salience of Jewish and Palestinian Arab religio-ethnic idioms in the national conflict at any given moment has depended on context, competition and political opportunity. 3 This developed sometimes in dialectic with, sometimes parallel to, patterns of social conservatism within both societies. 4 Oslo’s collapse has provided more frequent opportunities for
meaning/s of Englishness for non-white ethnic minorities in the context of wider political debates and developments around multiculturalism, citizenship and Community Cohesion and offers thoughts about the potential for genuinely inclusive and non-racial understandings of Englishness taking greater hold than at present. Firstly, the chapter provides a brief context of
their states. The only solidarity that works is one that appeals to strong affections for communities, in this case the nation. Conceptually, the sources of solidarity have either derived from ideas of ethnicity or from ideas of civic unity (section 2). The stories we tell are often either about common origins, or common social traditions. We may be members of the Volk or citizens of ‘the land of the free’. In section 3, three
6 English, Scots and Germans compared: British and continental perspectives New York, the greatest immigrant hub in North America, has long been home to a great many ethnic clubs and societies. The city’s St George’s Society was founded comparatively early, in 1770, though the Scots beat the English to it when a St Andrew’s Society was established over a decade earlier.1 Despite smaller, informal activities, the Germans and Irish formalized associations in the city only after the American War of Independence. In 1784, both the German Society (Deutsche
of Slovenia involved little bloodshed, Croatian and Bosnian claims to statehood were violently contested, both by the federal state and by substantial ethnic minorities in both republics. In 1991, 12 per cent of Croatia’s population were Serbs, and in Bosnia the population consisted of 44 per cent Muslims, 3 31 per cent Serbs and 17 per cent Croats. The Yugoslav state deployed the army in an attempt to preserve
and resident in France, insiders also in the hybrid multi-ethnic youth culture of the banlieue (France’s grim outer city housing estates), French people of Maghrebi descent are also outsiders, not just because of institutionalised state racism and the racism of those who target ‘Arabs’ and Islam as the scapegoats for France’s socio-economic difficulties, but also because of the Republican definition of integration. As previously noted, Republican approaches