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the office of deputy to the chief remembrancer of the exchequer in the late 1580s and early 1590s, during which time he had acquired a reputation as a serial complainer, regularly dispatching exhaustive memoranda detailing the inadequacies of government institutions in Ireland and the corrupt activities of senior officials there.2 His targets ranged from practices such as the abuse of martial law and malfeasance amongst the exchequer officers to individuals as highly placed in the Irish administration as Adam Loftus, the archbishop of Dublin, lord chancellor of
Westminster’s own MPs, William Bell and, especially, John Glynne (who had a major parliamentary profile in his own right). But there was a range of other MPs, elected for other parts of the country, who were often long-term Westminster residents. It has been estimated that at least forty Long Parliament MPs ‘had lived for some time in the shadows of Whitehall’, even not counting previous MPs or those with offices in the royal administration or household.100 Chief among these were members of the exchequer (most notably Sir Robert Pye, and others with fiscal experience, such
and England) covered all maintenance and building, which was then financed through the exchequer. While several of Anna’s jointure palaces were described as being ‘reserved for her majesties access and FIELD 9781526142498 PRINT.indd 45 21/04/2020 11:54 46 Anna of Denmark pleasure’, these properties were not her exclusive domain. Indeed, several of them – Oatlands, Greenwich, Havering, Nonsuch, and Theobalds – were commonly frequented by James (with or without Anna), while the latter three received the king more often than the queen.11 Moreover, while palace
planned to proudly wear the jewel in the court space of her churching – although the possibilities are not mutually exclusive.25 The monarchy and its subjects were invested in the arrival of another royal Stuart, as the prayer ‘for the Queenes safe deliuerance’ was reissued and large bills were presented to the exchequer. The precise details of the childbed are missing, but the requirements of a royal Stuart birth were well known by now, following the pattern set by Anna’s previous six deliveries, and a continuity of care was established through the midwife Alice Dennis
together with the availability of possible ‘course texts’ certainly provide circumstantial evidence of law teaching in the early thirteenth century. Parts of Bracton , for example, were available from the early 1220s and then revised during the 1230s, while a set of ‘questions to the court’ ( quaestiones curiae ) intended to stimulate discussion and disputation survive in the contemporary Exchequer
council, which are not fit to be mentioned in this time. And this day his excellency came down to Westminster, and was installed Lord Protector of the three nations, the manner whereof was thus. His excellency, about one of the clock in the afternoon, came from Whitehall to Westminster, to the Chancery Court,5 attended by the Lords Commissioners of the great seal of England,6 Barons of the Exchequer,7 and judges in their robes. After them, the Council of the Commonwealth,8 and the Lord Mayor, aldermen,9 and Recorder of the City of London,10 in their scarlet gowns
demonstrated by Joussie’s accounts – one of the main suppliers of fabric to the court – which, rather than being paid through the exchequer, were settled by James with money drawn from his English annuity and borrowed from Maitland.103 Such circumvention arose from James’s knowledge that the high levels of expenditure would incur censure: on 1 February 1596, for example, Joussie recorded that in just under six years he had ‘spendit and debursit’ £71,513.14d. Scots for ‘the queins majestie for hir abulziaments [apparel]’.104 This was only one of several accounts and it
(Drucker, 1976 : 384). The struggle to succeed Attlee began after the resignations from his second government of Aneurin Bevan, Harold Wilson and John Freeman following the introduction of prescription charges in 1951. The two main protagonists were Chancellor the Exchequer Gaitskell and Bevan, the architect of the National Health Service (NHS) in the first Attlee government and, prior to his resignation, Minister of Labour in the second, who became the principal spokesmen thereafter for conflicting perspectives within the party on both the nature of socialism and on
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Alistair Darling, 93 per cent of the stimulus would take place in 2009 and fiscal policy would be deflationary by 2010. (Thus, the costs of earlier measures, most notably the temporary reduction of VAT, would be quickly recouped.) This marked out Britain in terms of its fiscal projections from many other nations. Nearly all of the crisis-hit countries planned to allocate a substantial proportion of their overall stimulus expenditure to spending in 2010. Indeed, Italy expected to devote 85 per cent if its expenditure to projects in 2010. The
bring forward concrete proposals and on the schemes to achieve uniformity in the areas Maude had identified.69 Government statements in the Commons were encouraging. Sir John Anderson, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, envisaged a new health service in which voluntary and public organisations cooperated and where ‘there would be no doctrinaire scrapping of good existing resources’.70 Herbert Morrison also made emollient comments about the preservation of the voluntary hospitals, and noted the importance of voluntary public service to the health of British democracy.71