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undertaken and opportunities to strengthen the United Nations’ work on peacebuilding and sustaining peace’, 24–25 April: General Assembly Resolution, A/RES/70/262, 2016; Security Council Resolution S/RES/2282, 2016. Visoka , G. and J. Doyle ( 2015 ) ‘Neo-functional peace: The EU way of resolving conflicts’, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies , 54 ( 4 ): 862
://web.amnesty.org/pages/aboutai-statute-eng >. 11 United Nations, Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Being Subjected to Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment , adopted by General Assembly resolution 3452 (XXX) of 9 December 1975. 12 See Schalkwyk 2001 : 1–36, in which he argues that white
. 80 Charter of the United Nations, Preamble, article 1.3; Charter of the United Nations, UNCIO XV, 335, amendments by General Assembly Resolution in UNTS 557, 143/638, 308/892, 119. 81 Covenant of the League of Nations, article 7
Charter and is reiterated in numerous General Assembly resolutions. 22 Chapter VI of the Charter provides the framework for the peaceful settlement of disputes while chapter VII provides for ‘Action with respect to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression’. UN organs are competent to assist states in the resolution of their disputes under chapter VI. 23 Peace-making options available to the Security
emphasized “the centrality of international cooperation” and further committed “to a more equitable sharing of the burden and responsibility for hosting and supporting the world’s refugees, while taking account of existing contributions and the differing capacities and resources among [s]tates.” See United Nations General Assembly, Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on September 19, 2016, New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants, A/Res/71/1, October 3, 2016 (United Nations), Articles 7 and 11. The commitment to more equitable burden- and responsibility
were resolute in rejecting the requirement not to give assistance to the Cambodian refugees in Thailand. The final agreement reflected this position and was signed in September 1979 in a climate of increased tension due to the General Assembly resolution according to which the Cambodian government in exile, which the Khmer Rouge was part of, represented the country at the United Nations. 60 In the meantime, the NGO world had also mobilised through the setting up of a consortium of around forty European humanitarian agencies, 61 which was started by an
the North Korean authorities, that the hostilities in Korea constituted a civil war and as such were domestic matters with which the United Nations should not interfere under Article 2 (7) of the Charter. In the view of His Majesty’s Government this was a misrepresentation of the true state of affairs. A full reply to these arguments was given by Attlee in the House of Commons debate of 5 July where he pointed out that, on the one hand the Government of South Korea had been recognised by the United Nations in the General Assembly Resolution of 12 December, 1948, as
from twenty-one to thirty-two, it became an arena for North–South confrontation, with developing countries having the power to impose their agenda on the Commission. A similar development took place in the General Assembly, where Third World countries’ numerical superiority was indisputable. The adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination in 1965 inaugurated an era in which Third World countries set the UN agenda. By 1974, more than 10 per cent of all General Assembly resolutions attacked apartheid and other forms of racial
resolutions, among other things, and particularly on General Assembly Resolution 181, which called for the partition of Mandatory Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state. In October 1991 an international conference commenced in Madrid, through which bilateral and multilateral talks were launched between Israel and its neighbours, including Syria, on the basis of the ‘land for peace’ formula. In September 1993 the negotiations between Israel and the PLO led to the signing of a Declaration of Principles (the Oslo Accords) for an Israeli-Palestinian peace and the
, London and Belfast believed that the UN could play no useful role and opposed the tabling of a formal resolution. The advent of rapprochement and functional cooperation with Terence O’Neill’s administration during the mid-1960s would provide an additional reason not to antagonise the British or Northern Ireland Governments. Privately, the Minister 72 From Partition to Brexit for External Affairs, Frank Aiken, conceded that UN General Assembly resolutions were of ‘little or no value’ as they were not binding. To support his claim, the Tánaiste cited the number of