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Press freedom, British India and Mill’s theory of the public
Christopher Barker

that the relation between publics and instructive discussion is dialectical. In the context of French politics in this period, Mill offers two necessary condition of progress: freedom of thought and utterance, which is ‘the sole and indispensable instrument of all other political good’, and ‘exemption from the iron yoke of a caste-oligarchy over the body, and of a retrograde priesthood over the soul’.84 A public must be somewhat equal to be free. In India, caste and land tenure destroy the nascent Indian public. In Ireland, Catholicism may impede equality, but the

in Freedom of speech, 1500–1850
Jason Harris

, setting aside questions of Gaelic unity, a further problem was the mixed ethnic make-up of Irish Catholicism. Even if the Gaelic Irish could be relied upon to support a mission to Scotland, it is not clear why • the irish franciscan mission to the highlands and islands • 207 the Old English should share their interest. In Ulster, geographical proximity provided a strong argument for fostering Catholicism in western Scotland, which might then provide a refuge from persecution; but the wealthy towns in the south had no such incentive. Because of the limited resources

in The Scots in early Stuart Ireland
Brian Mac Cuarta

association with the Ulster Franciscans, and was at variance with the loyalist sensibilities of the viceprimate (David Rothe), a stance shared by some of the prelates he appointed to Ulster dioceses. Northern support for the nascent Irish colleges abroad provided a further sign of the growing integration of Ulster into the wider context of Irish Catholicism. Fund-raising for the colleges had been part of preaching in the Pale probably since the 1590s. From the early 1610s, merchants accompanied the friars on their missions in Ulster, where they supervised the collection of

in The plantation of Ulster
Brian Marren

backwardness  – I  mean nobody wants to pay rates, nobody wants to pay tax, but who’s going to maintain the infrastructure?20 While the Liberal–Conservative coalitions were leading the council, the local Labour Party was beginning to transform itself from a largely reactionary bastion of blue-collar, Irish-Catholicism to a party led by younger, better educated activists with a more left-wing outlook. The new generation of local Labour leaders sought to broaden the party’s base beyond trade unionists and advocated a far more radical agenda in order to combat the lingering

in We shall not be moved
Abstract only
The Land League alliances
Samuel Clark

provide a lot of opposition to the conservatism of the political elite on gender issues.84 The women in the Senate put up more of a fight, but their numbers were not large enough to obstruct what the Irish state did to keep married women in the home.85 We have here a paradox in the striking contrast between this gender conservatism and the role Irish women played in the LLL and in Irish nationalism. If we are going to understand it, we have to take into account the contribution of women to the development of Irish Catholicism during the nineteenth century and thus to

in Land questions in modern Ireland
Michael O’Sullivan

that it would have meant very little since they were ‘systematically excluded from any significant influence in education’ (1985:196). Most commentators would seem to blame the Church for this ‘anomalous state’ of Irish education. However, J. J. Lee is also quick to note that even though the ‘nature of Irish Catholicism cannot be ignored in discussing any major question of social significance in modern Ireland, it is by no means the only factor requiring scrutiny’ (1989:621) and that ‘[i]nsofar as clerical hostility to independent thought was a factor it offers only

in The humanities and the Irish university
Mark O’Brien

to sustain a bias instead of being allowed to mould ideas afresh’.70 Similarly, John Horgan considered it ‘astonishing, and frustrating, to discover that all the theological, historical and liturgical   123 The impact of television 123 richness to which we had been exposed in Rome, and which had left an indelible mark on all those who experienced it, had only touched the fringes of Irish Catholicism’.71 At its most public, such orthodoxy was represented by McQuaid’s remark on his return to Dublin that while the faithful may ‘have been disturbed at times by

in The Fourth Estate
The public life and political opinions of the 3rd Earl of Rosse
Andrew Shields

Garrett Scaife has described it, which the Rosse family had to negotiate at the time and which Lord Rosse had to contend with for the remainder of his life. This difficult terrain was rendered even more complex by the growing political potency of the O’Connell-led campaign for Catholic Emancipation. In these circumstances, despite their own increasingly ambivalent feelings about the political character of Irish Catholicism,15 the Rosse family had to thread a careful path though the political challenge which the campaign for Emancipation posed for them. It should be

in William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse
Abstract only
‘The prerogative of the wig’
Katie Barclay

J. McEntee, ‘“Gentlemen practisers”: Solicitors as elites in mid-nineteenth-century Irish landed society’, in C. O’Neill (ed.), Irish Elites in the Nineteenth Century (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2013), pp. 99–112; C.E. Brett, Court Houses and Market Houses of the Province of Ulster (Ulster: Ulster Architectural Heritage Society, 1973), p. 12. 9 C. Kenny, ‘The exclusion of Catholics from the legal profession in Ireland, 1537–1829’, Irish Historical Studies, 25:100 (1987), 337–57. 10 E. Larkin, The Historical Dimensions of Irish Catholicism (Washington

in Men on trial
Bryan Fanning

to periodically update the precise nature of the conspiracies of moral corruption against the Catholic nation of which Jews were accused. For example, in 1919 the Bishop of Limerick, Denis Hallinan, blamed Parisian Jews ‘bitterly opposed to Christianity’ for promoting indecent fashions in women’s clothing. After 1922 Irish Catholicism became intertwined with an isolationist nationalism to generally oppose outside influences on Irish society. The promotion of conservative social values and hostility to social change at times became bound up with expressions of

in Racism and social change in the Republic of Ireland