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James L. Newell

right-wing Robert Hersant, whose undertakings effectively to reduce him to the status of a sleeping partner were essential to overcome the hostility of the incoming premier, Jacques Chirac, to the continuing involvement of the Italian, Berlusconi, in the project. While all this was going on, Berlusconi was facing difficulties on another front. 1987 saw the death of Mario Formenton, president of the large publisher Arnaldo Mondadori, which triggered a battle for control involving the company’s three major shareholders: the Formenton family, Berlusconi’s Fininvest and

in Silvio Berlusconi
The integration of authoritarian Algeria in the international system
Francesco Cavatorta

sides in the conflict, the French government and Jacques Chirac continued their policies of support for the military. Chirac himself had, in 1990, argued that developing countries could not afford the luxury of multiparty politics and when it came to the Arab world he was a man of his word and never really pressed on democratisation. The Bush Sr. Administration faced a similar conundrum and ‘the White House first stated that the military intervention fell within the provisions of the 1989 Constitution’ (Spencer, 1996: 131), giving the impression that it condoned the

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
Owen Davies

recent book has caused a media stir by claiming with some substance that Jacques Chirac’s entourage hired some Senegalese marabouts to work against his former political rival Edouard Balladur when they were competing for the Gaullist party presidential candidacy. 84 The journalists who have reported on the rise and activities of the marabouts echo the journalistic censorial tone of the nineteenth century regarding cunning

in Witchcraft Continued
Arantza Gomez Arana

shows that the French would object to the proposal as it stood at that particular time. French complaints were repeated but this time by the president of France, Jacques Chirac. At the same time, in 1997 it was agreed to arrange a summit of the heads of state of the EU and Latin America. This suggestion, put forward by Spain and France after the annual meeting with the Rio Group, was accepted and was to be held before 1999. Being the first summit of that kind, it put extra pressure on the EU. During the first six months of 1999, the presidency of the EU was held by

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
Claire Eldridge

priority and the harkis became one of the principal casualties of the resultant state-sponsored erasure. Beginning with de Gaulle, this attitude extended into the presidency of Valéry Giscard d’Estaing and, although things did begin to change under François Mitterrand, it was not until Jacques Chirac took power in 1995 that the prevailing orthodoxy was significantly challenged. The silence emanating from the French state was further compounded by the fact that many harki children who grew up in the camps in the 1960s and 1970s also received their education there rather

in From empire to exile
Abstract only
Claire Eldridge

the minds of many.10 This was in spite of Rousso’s own insistence that while there were certain similarities, including the central role played by the concepts of a ‘duty of memory’ and ‘victimhood’ and the shared difficulty of creating a consensual form of national commemoration, the two conflicts remained distinct, as did their commemorative afterlives.11 At the political level, the 1990s witnessed the coincidence in power of President Jacques Chirac, who had served in Algeria, and Prime Minister Lionel Jospin, who cut his political teeth opposing the conflict

in From empire to exile
Abstract only
Claire Eldridge

found in Chapter 8. For Chirac’s speech, see: les-grands-discours-de-jacques-chirac?post_id=2336 [17 April 2014]. 5 Michel Roux, Les Harkis: les oublis de l’histoire (Paris, 1991), p. 377. 6 Mohand Hamoumou with Abderahmen Moumen, ‘L’histoire des harkis et Français musulmans: la fin d’un tabou?’, in La Guerre d’Algérie: 1954–2004, la fin de l’ amnésie, ed. by Mohammed Harbi and Benjamin Stora (Paris, 2004), pp. 341–2. In 1999, Laurent Muller estimated that almost a third of associations were led by members of this generation. Muller, Le

in From empire to exile
Guy Austin

was common currency in the nineties and was widely used by Jacques Chirac during his successful presidential campaign of 1995 (see Higbee 2005 : 123). That year also saw a big rise in support for Jean-Marie Le Pen’s far right party, the Front National, signalling the presence of anxieties around race, immigration, and sécurité in French politics. As a corollary to this came a wave of militant protest: ‘it was the mass

in Contemporary French cinema
Brigitte Rollet

decade before the fracture sociale (social fracture) became a fashionable political term (surprisingly coined by the right-wing gaullist party of Jacques Chirac during the 1995 general elections), a new expression was used to describe those who had lost all social benefits. The emergence of the nouveaux pauvres (new poor) led in 1988 (11 October) to the creation of the Revenu Minimum d’Insertion (RMI: the minimum benefit for those with no other source of income) by the socialist government led by the prime minister Michel Rocard

in Coline Serreau
Eglantine Staunton

The period 1994–99 constituted a challenging time for humanitarian intervention, as it faced strong international criticism before being contested by the end of the decade. In France, François Mitterrand completed his presidency and was replaced by President Jacques Chirac, whose first mandate lasted from 1995 to 2002. Both Mitterrand and Chirac had to work with governments from the opposite end of the political spectrum: the first cohabitation took place from 1993 to 1995 and forced left-wing President Mitterrand to work with a right

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect