words, melodrama can become an effective counter-discourse
when it focuses on that part of the population of a democracy that
philosopher JacquesRancière calls the demos – those who have neither
political voice nor representation. Although short of constituting what
Rancière (2010) calls a dissensus, that is, a direct political action of the
demos against the consensus, melodrama cannot simply be neutralized as mere culture industry opiate.
54 jean epstein
Epstein was very well aware of the broad spectrum of the
One Plus One, see Kevin J. Hayes’s ‘The
Book Motif in One Plus One’, Studies in French Cinema, 4.3 (2004),
29 JacquesRancière, Film Fables, trans. Emiliano Battista (Oxford:
Berg, 2006), p. 144.
One plus one (p.m.)139
30 See Slavoj Žižek, ‘Mao Zedong: The Marxist Lord of Misrule’,
in On Practice and Contradiction, Mao-Tse-Tung (London: Verso,
2007), pp. 1–28.
31 Jean-Didier Urbain, At the Beach, trans. Catherine Porter
(Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), p. 205.
32 1 P.M. (One Parallel Movie) (Pennebaker, 1972, 16 mm, 95 min
1 Didi-Huberman, Images in Spite of All , 138.
2 Alfred Gell , Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory ( Oxford : Clarendon Press , 1998 ); Bill Brown , Other Things ( Chicago : University of Chicago Press , 2016 ); Mitchell, Picture Theory ; Moxey, ‘Visual Studies and the Iconic Turn’.
3 Barthes, Camera Lucida , 38. Also see JacquesRancière , ‘ The Pensive Image ’, in The Emancipated Spectator , trans. Gregory Elliott ( London : Verso , 2009 ), 107 – 32 . Rancière writes, ‘Things become complicated when we say of an image
). I will here employ JacquesRancière’s term for this emergent
socio-cultural configuration already referred to in the Introduction, above: the ‘aesthetic regime of art’ (see Rancière 2013). Emphasising the transition from the previous ‘representative regime’ to this emerging ‘aesthetic regime’ of art in the nineteenth
century, Rancière challenges narratives that foreground the modernist break around
1900. For him, the latter was no more than the fine tuning of the new aesthetic dispositif.3 I suggest that the advent of the director and, even more so, of Regie as a
transforms the story of the long journey through France’s hinterland into a
metaphor of ‘solidarity and connectedness across gender, class, race and sex
divides’ and a paradigm for political intervention (p. 118). Undermining the
stereotypical association banlieue–immigration–lawlessness and the French
State’s systemic discrimination against immigrants from former colonies
based on national amnesia, La Marche is a ‘heterogeneous text that weaves a
new relationship between present and past’ and transforms France’s national
historiography (p. 123). Using JacquesRancière’s
its status as something fait (‘done’/‘fact-ed’). The pictures were prompted by the fact of the conflict, but their status as historical data remains uncertain, since they depict nothing – destroyed tanks or dead bodies – that would allow the viewer to establish an affective relationship to the event’s material consequences. As JacquesRancière has written, Ristelhueber ‘effects a displacement of the exhausted affect of indignation to a more discreet affect, an affect of indeterminate effect’. 11 What we see is that we do not see what we expect, and perhaps even
an intersubjective relation where previously there was none, confronting existing systems with what lies behind their boundaries, and in so doing providing them with three possible responses. First, to ignore the interruptive noise and hope it goes away of its own accord; second, to forcibly exclude the noise in the hope of achieving or maintaining a nominally spotless purity; or third, to transform in such a way as to incorporate the noise within itself. 10 It is for this reason that JacquesRancière argues that ‘politics comes about solely through
. Rather, I take presentness to be the equivalent of a physical ‘thereness’ which is resistant to all knowledge. Presentness, in my reading, is disruptive; it sets subjectivity reeling.
In order to get to grips with the politics involved in Genet’s attempts to dislocate the audience, I supplement Lefebvre’s ideas with those of the post-Althusserian philosophers JacquesRancière and Alain Badiou. 19 According to Rancière, becoming a political subject does not mean that we identify with a pre-existing set of ideological roles (say, for instance, signing up as a party
Minnesota Press, 1978 ).
This notion of partage has been
central to the recent work of both Jean-Luc Nancy and JacquesRancière. See, for example, Nancy, The Inoperative
Community , trans. P. Connor and others (Minneapolis,
Minnesota University Press, 1991 ); La
-run. It was founded by Greek scholar and activist Maria Nikolakaki, professor at the University of Peloponnese, Greece and formerly of GCAS. It features
such scholars and academics as JacquesRancière, Étienne Balibar, Tariq Ali, John
Holloway, Raquel Gutiérrez and Peter McLaren.
CITS collaborates with institutions such as the Autonomous University of
Puebla, Mexico, for accreditation, and the California Institute of Integral Studies,
Mexico Solidarity Network, the Social Sciences Centre at Lincoln, UK, and the
Universidad de la Tierra6 at Oaxaca for its projects. This