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give effect to them, unchecked by nominal French authority. The most acute worries were felt in Sierra Leone, which reacted to the violence in Conakry by expelling a number of ‘immigrants’ from the British colony back to neighbouring Guinea.17 This in turn reflected a fear that Touré was trying to establish a local branch of the RDA in Freetown, which he had visited in September 1956. His ‘public utterances’ on that occasion, according to Sierra Leone’s governor Maurice Dorman, ‘were nationalistic or rather Pan-African and … advocated mutual help between Africans of
, https://au.int/en/treaties/constitutive-act-african-union (accessed 7 May 2020). 3 “Organization of African Unity Charter,” 4. 4 “Protocol of the Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration,” International Legal Materials 3, no. 6 (1964): 1116–24. 5 C.O.C. Amate, Inside the OAU: Pan-Africanism in Practice (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1986), 164. 6 “Amendments to the Charter and the Protocol of the Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration,”CM/334 (Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: Organization of African Unity, August 1970), 1. AU
-advancement, often influenced by transnational Black Power and Pan-Africanism ideologies; Gilroy has forwarded the ‘Black Atlantic’ as an arena of transnational cultural construction.20 David J. Smith noted evidence of a growing coherent political ideology: not to the level of explicitly organising the 1980–81 disturbances, but as a collective response to 3 4 Race and riots in Thatcher’s Britain police and societal oppression.21 Very little research has thus far been conducted into the British Black Power movement, noted by Rosalind Eleanor Wild in describing her PhD thesis as
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Printing Terror places horror comics of the mid-twentieth century in dialogue with the anxieties of their age. It rejects the narrative of horror comics as inherently and necessarily subversive and explores, instead, the ways in which these texts manifest white male fears over America’s changing sociological landscape. It examines two eras: the pre-CCA period of the 1940s and 1950s, and the post-CCA era to 1975. The authors examine each of these periods through the lenses of war, gender, and race, demonstrating that horror comics are centred upon white male victimhood and the monstrosity of the gendered and/or racialised other. It is of interest to scholars of horror, comics studies, and American history. It is suitably accessible to be used in undergraduate classes.
Catherine Impey launched the Anti-Caste in 1888, she was inspired to do so by her friendship with African-Americans, and by the recognition that the most effective voice against racial injustice would come from persons of colour who were the targets of racial prejudice. Between 1893 and 1900, from the foundation of the SRBM to the Pan-African Conference, there was a remarkable rebirth
few direct references to government policies and ideology. They are in fact far more interested in politics ‘from below’, and this attention to the specific details of daily life in Africa nuances the ideological dimension of his work. Sembene’s Marxism must also be seen within the context of his profound pan-Africanism, a belief in the unity of purpose and destiny of the different peoples of his
land in the Horn – of which many Gulf states are short – provides a means of ensuring self-sufficiency in the production of food. Of course, these efforts butt up against a broader pan-African search for food security, albeit the continent faces myriad challenges, not least of which stem from infrastructural and political issues. Similar political, economic, and security challenges are found among the Gulf states, notably in the UAE and Iran, as broader regional activity has come at a price, prompting the Emirates to withdraw from military
‘warrior men and women’, and compares them to peoples across Africa who ‘earned . . . victories’ or built empires, like the Ethiopians and the Ashanti of Ghana, suggesting that they have a strong claim to the land and a pan-African identity. However, these comparisons are made without any contextualisation or problematising of very diverse histories of empires, slavery and different kinds of subjugation. It is worth noting that of all the historical memories of the Afrikaners, Mbeki chooses to reference the ‘Boer’s’ in terms of their struggle with the British, and their
volume) and his concept of the African Personality. 18 Blyden has been called “the Father of Pan-Africanism”. His cultural vision recognises three dimensions – black, Arab/Islamic and Western – resonating with the ideas of Nigeria’s Nnamdi Azikiwe (see Robinson in this volume), Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah (see Biney in this volume), and Kenya’s Ali Mazrui (see Ndlovu-Gatsheni in this volume). Senghor recognises Blyden as an ancestral intellectual forerunner when he describes Négritude as the francophone equivalent of Blyden’s notion of the African Personality. A