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How racism and anti-racism produce Madrid
Stoyanka Eneva

This chapter explores the transformations of anti-racist discourses, practices and alliances over the last several years through the case of two neighbourhoods in Madrid. Bridging the fields of urban studies on the one hand and migration, racism and anti-racism studies on the other, the aim of the chapter is to show how changes in the types of activism and changes in the city are interconnected. A qualitative methodology was employed involving face-to-face and social media participant observation, as well as semi-structured in-depth interviews. The structure of the chapter is as follows: firstly, the study is placed within the framework of theoretical debates on racism and anti-racism, with special emphasis on the Spanish context. Secondly, the perspectives on racialisation, belonging, ethnicity and activism are connected to the analysis of urban space at the neighbourhood level. This contextualisation allows me to present the case studies of the two specific neighbourhoods, Lavapiés and Usera, which represent different problematics and different forms of activist organisation around the right to the city. In addition, a third activist and spatial context connects neighbourhoods and activist experiences by drawing attention to a new stage and forms of anti-racist organising by migrants and racialised people. In this way, the chapter aims to draw attention to the ways that institutional and economic urban violence take very different expressions for white Spaniards and for migrant and racialised people and affects them in very different ways in their life trajectories and struggle for living with dignity in the neighbourhood.

in European cities
Abstract only
The ‘collectivist’ photobook in the prison work of Mohamed Bourouissa
Andy Stafford

For his project Temps mort [Dead Time] (2007–9, published in 2014), French-Algerian photographer Mohamed Bourouissa works secretly (because it is against the law in France) with his friend ‘Al’ who is in prison and taking photographs of the inside, which he sends to Bourouissa with his text messages alongside. The subsequent photobook version of this project, published by Kamel Mennour in 2014, represents an extraordinary transformation of the original exhibition of the photographs and videos (online and in the Kamel Mennour gallery in Paris). Put together with blank pages, selective quotations from Al’s elliptical text-messages and a highly stylised blurring of the images in the manner of Thomas Ruff, Bourouissa’s photobook Temps mort plays out the ‘dead time’ that being in prison represents. It shows the cryptic requests from Bourouissa to his friend, with the dates in bold, and selects images, instructions, hesitations and thoughts, from the 300 messages sent by Al. The suggestion is not only that Temps mort is a collectivist (rather than a simply collaborative) photo-text; but also, that, as part of a social and political commitment, it explores ways in which prisoners can remain in contact with the outside world, and can be mentally present while temporarily absent. Furthermore, Bourouissa’s (and Al’s?) photobook points to new options for today’s photobook design, in the era of social media and mobile phones.

in The photobook world
Abstract only
Unsettling dominant narratives about migration in a time of flux
Kirsten Forkert
Federico Oliveri
Gargi Bhattacharyya
, and
Janna Graham

Eurocentric mainstream media did not 209 How media and conflicts make migrants lead to any sense of empowerment. Our survey respondents felt they were informed but that being informed did not help them to do anything. Instead, they described a media experience of witnessing global horrors but with a sense of helplessness. Social media and solidarity Alongside mainstream media depictions of the refugee crisis as a threat or challenge to Europe and European ways of life, social media has played a key role in the political battles over migration in Italy and Britain. This

in How media and conflicts make migrants
Moritz Neumüller

mainly in the United Kingdom, Western Europe and North America. Some of her findings – for example that buyers base their decisions on information they receive via social media (72 per cent), reading book reviews online (66 per cent), visiting bookshops (59 per cent) and friend recommendations (56 per cent) – seem biased by the fact that the research was only done online, and via interest groups for photography and photobooks on social media. Another finding was that 38 per cent of photobook buyers do not purchase at

in The photobook world
Michael Breen
Michael Courtney
Iain Mcmenamin
Eoin O’Malley
, and
Kevin Rafter

mediatisation as the driver. We use the longitudinal data from our study to test whether these hypothesised phenomena occur in Ireland. We also consider how social media might be used as a way to connect directly with voters, unmediated by the press and broadcast media. This new technology might also contribute to a growing personalisation. First, however, we discuss these different dimensions of personalisation and develop hypotheses to test them. Presidentialisation and personalisation When leaders are covered in the media, this is regarded as reflective of the

in Resilient reporting
Angela Nagle

is it. The big one. This is the first revolution that has been catapulted onto the global stage and transmitted by social media.’9 The events that followed were dubbed a ‘Twitter Revolution’. In the summer of 2011 thousands of protesters gathered in squares and public spaces across Spain. Adbusters, the Canadian anti-consumerist magazine, published an article by Manuel Castells called The Disgust Becomes a Network. He wrote, ‘they discovered new forms of organization, participation and mobilization that burst the traditional channels MUP_CoulterNagle_Printer3.indd

in Ireland under austerity
Jodie Ginsberg

voices has also unleashed hateful speech. It has created an environment in which a crass joke intended for a small audience can go viral and reach thousands within minutes. Until very recently, this vast internet content was largely regulated by social media platforms themselves through terms of service. Users signed up to rules (that most people never read) and the platforms were responsible for ensuring users followed those rules. Initially, it seemed like there were no rules. Abusive material – racist, homophobic and misogynistic content – was everywhere, and

in The free speech wars
Cinema, news media and perception management of the Gaza conflicts
Shohini Chaudhuri

Minister’s Chief Spokesperson Mark Regev on how killing children squared with the stated aim of ‘Operation Protective Edge’ to protect Israeli people. 11 A major part of what made the 2014 conflict seem different was widespread use of social media as a tool for exposure of violence against Palestinians, without the usual editorial filters. Social media filled in some of the gaps of mainstream coverage, often

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
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Steven Gerrard
Robert Shail

While the tabloid culture and online forums of the post-millennium years have focused on creating ‘stars’ through virtual reality TV shows and social media, where ‘being famous for being famous’ seems to be an accepted norm, stars still remain the cornerstone of the film industry. Genre fortunes may fluctuate, and directors have assumed more ‘legendary’ status than ever

in Crank it up
Thomas Prosser

the means by which ideas spread, classic means of diffusion prevailed. These included newspapers, public meetings and local political parties; in ensuing decades, radio and television would become important. Though such mechanisms remain crucial, recent changes have been transformative. Social media is key. 29 The influence of institutions such as Facebook and Twitter can be overstated, particular classes always grouping together, yet there are vital implications for articulation between class and ideas. Social media has quickened political socialization. Not only

in What’s in it for me?