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Abstract only
Saul Newman

and radical political universality can emerge. In this sense, the event owes its legacy to the Enlightenment, or at least to a particular tradition of reason that emerged from the Enlightenment. Derrida seeks to utilise this tradition of critical reason not only against the technical deployments of scientific reason that abound today, but also against what can only be seen as the irrationalism or unreasonableness of the reason of state (raison d’etat). In other words, we should submit to critical reason all those abuses of power that are justified in the name of the

in Unstable universalities
James L. Newell

, after Stalin’s passing, there was a flowering of crimes of all kinds, great and small, among the large caste of state functionaries, such that, according to Muscovite writer and jurist Arkadii Vaksberg, the Soviet Union of the 1970s was above all the golden era of the communist party mafia. Corruption under Breznev was no longer limited to the abuse of power of the junior apparatchik or the factory section head. Networks of corruption, developed everywhere, in all provinces at every level and extended upwards, in almost every case towards Moscow. (Mendras, 1997: 187

in Corruption in contemporary politics
Jason Peacey, Robert G. Ingram, and Alex W. Barber

able to expose abuses of power. As Thomson shows, moreover, defences of press freedom tended to relate to philosophical enquiry, rather than other political and religious issues; tended to involve claims about freedom for an intellectual elite; and tended to involve works for which there would likely be a limited audience. Free-thinkers distinguished between textual freedom and freedom of speech and were willing to countenance the punishment of sedition and treason. Their claims were thus not about unfettered freedom. Of course, the situation remained somewhat

in Freedom of speech, 1500–1850
Rachel Hammersley

into his Spicilège notebook expressed precisely this idea: ‘From the Craftsman. The government is good when the laws are such that they necessarily produce virtue and can turn even bad men into good ministers.’96 While Montesquieu seems to have accepted that Harrington had correctly identified the problem, and the general means of solving it, he did not accept the details of his solution. He thought that the existing English constitution itself offered a better means of protecting liberty against the abuses of power than the model constitution set out by Harrington

in The English republican tradition and eighteenth-century France
Duncan Watts

and trial of President Clinton. In addition, a series of cases involving the ethics of elected officials at national, state and local level have taken their toll. Political scandals have been a virus infecting political life for a long time, probably throughout American history, but the combination of recent abuses of power and personal indiscretions has fuelled a belief that politicians cannot be trusted and contributed to an increase in cynicism. At the approach of the new millennium, the number of Americans who expressed ‘confidence in Washington to do what is

in Understanding US/UK government and politics
Open Access (free)
Disrupting the critical genealogy of the Gothic
Jenny DiPlacidi

should desire to uphold it. However, all these feminist scholars expose patriarchy’s control of female sexuality through abuses of power that are encoded within the social structure. In a sense, the exchange of women that demands the incest taboo concurrently creates a system of control over female bodies that lends itself to incestuous sexual abuse. These scholars have revealed through the intersections

in Gothic incest
John Marriott

responsibilities of governments and the rightful claims of the people. 43 Past abuses of power have arisen out of the imperfect state of our knowledge, but now the government is making every effort to perfect its administration; such ‘progressive improvement is all that we have a right to expect’. 44 The problems are considerable. India

in The other empire
Abstract only
Allyn Fives

political non-moralism (see Williams 2005 , pp. 52–61). As someone who places cruelty first among the vices, and who reminds her readers, again and again, of the horrors of twentieth-century tyranny in particular, her work is an inspiration for those who see liberalism primarily as a protection against the worst abuses of power (Sagar 2016 , p. 370). She is also an example to those who adopt a sceptical approach to political thought, one that, it is argued, does not ‘evoke a set of contestable moral claims’ (Hall 2014 , p. 564). More significantly, like other non

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
Marcia Landy

to Fascism’s abuses of power through dramatising, in Blasetti’s words, an ‘aversion to violence, conquest, and sterile power’. 29 In contrast to Condottieri ’s monumentalism, La corona di ferro adopts the form of a fairy tale to create an allegory of the illegitimate uses of authority, offering a different perspective on historicising. Blasetti was an innovative director, editor and scenarist

in Medieval film
Lower office holders
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock

these transactions, it is clear that it was important, although not indispensable, that centenarii were present. 29 Only rarely can we see more of the power relations between these office holders and the local population. One charter shows a clear abuse of power that was corrected by Deothard in 819. 30 It reports that the predecessors of two brothers named Erchanhart and Cartfrid had given a field in Freising to the church of Freising during the reign of Duke Tassilo III – deposed in 788, that is, at least thirty years before the creation of the charter. Because

in Neighbours and strangers