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This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.

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Kelly-Kate Pease

rights and humanitarian diplomacy. Often referred to as track 2 diplomacy, NGOs participate in diplomacy through their advocacy, their role as subcontractors, and as vehicles for citizen diplomacy. 2 This chapter also provides an overview of some of the more prominent NGOs and their contributions to human rights and humanitarian diplomacy. Recall that there are important distinctions between human rights and humanitarian affairs, and therefore, important differences between human rights NGOs and humanitarian NGOs. Both types of NGO often operate within the same

in Human rights and humanitarian diplomacy
Wider Europe, weaker Europe?

The first European Union's (EU) enlargement of the twenty-first century coincides with a period of international tension and transition. Tensions have been apparent over: the war in Iraq, the 'War on Terror', immigration, organised crime, ethnic confrontation, human rights, energy resources and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The EU has made genuine progress in developing its security policies since the launch of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) in the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This book examines the impact that enlargement will have on leadership within the EU, a pre-requisite for policy coherence. It focuses on what has been Europe's most significant region in terms of security challenges and international responses since the end of the Cold War: the Balkan. The book provides an overview of the foreign policy priorities and interests of the new member states (NMS), highlighting areas of match and mismatch with those of the EU fifteen. Counter-terrorism has emerged from the shadows of the EU's Third Pillar, and has been propelled to the forefront of the EU's internal agenda, driven by the demands of the 'War on Terror'. The book discusses the core elements of the EU's emerging common external border management, with a focus on the creation of the EU's new External Borders Agency and the Schengen Borders Code. While the first two are declarative partnership and declarative negativism, the last two reflect the struggle between pragmatism and Soviet-style suspicion of Western bureaucrats.

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Umberto Tulli

In January 1981, just days before Jimmy Carter left the White House, many of the president’s officials were well satisfied with the campaign promoting human rights and its accomplishments. According to Lincoln Bloomfield, who dealt with the issue at the National Security Council (NSC), Carter’s human rights policy “represented the clearest change from policies pursued by the previous two administrations. It produced some of the most notable moral and political successes” and was a “definite plus for the United States in its international position”. Nevertheless

in A precarious equilibrium
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Umberto Tulli

In November 1981, the editors of Commentary posed three questions regarding President Carter’s human rights policy to a group of eighteen American intellectuals: What role, if any, should a concern for human rights play in American foreign policy? Is there a conflict between this concern and the American national interest? Does the distinction between authoritarianism and totalitarianism seem important to you? If so, what follows from it in practice? If not, what distinctions would you make in judging and dealing with non-democratic regimes? Does the

in A precarious equilibrium
Kelly-Kate Pease

Complementing, and often conflicting with, multilateral human rights and humanitarian diplomacy is IGO diplomacy . Officials from IGOs also engage in diplomatic activities designed to: galvanize international attention; educate, mobilize, and pressure states; provide expertise; and coordinate the human rights and humanitarian activities of states, NGOs, and other IGOs. IGO diplomacy focuses on the international civil service that consists of agencies and their employees who are, for the most part, independent of states. This means that officials are

in Human rights and humanitarian diplomacy
Kelly-Kate Pease

States have used their sovereignty to not only create international law but also IGOs to help them address collective action problems, resolve conflict, and achieve common goals. This chapter reviews the relationship between states and IGOs, as well as the human rights architecture of selected IGOs to show how states use IGOs to shape and conduct human rights and humanitarian diplomacy. The distinction between organs controlled by states and agencies headed and staffed by officials independent of states is made here. When states use and control IGO fora

in Human rights and humanitarian diplomacy
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The choice in favour of quiet diplomacy, 1978
Umberto Tulli

After the CSCE review conference in Belgrade, the Carter administration modified its policy toward the Soviet Union. With the relevant exception of protests at the conclusion of the trials against activists of the Moscow-based Helsinki Group, the human rights initiative was confined to quiet diplomacy and private channels. 1 Historians tend to disagree on the rationale for such a change. Some have argued that Cuban and Soviet interventions in Africa dominated bipolar affairs. Accordingly, many have argued that there was no longer room for détente, nor for a

in A precarious equilibrium
Umberto Tulli

Jimmy Carter entered office in January 1977 without a detailed strategy for foreign affairs. He had to navigate among different priorities and pressures. Domestically, Congress and human rights activists wasted no time in reminding the White House that the president had promised a total commitment to human rights. Conversely, Secretary of State Cyrus Vance cautioned against the risks of a too radical human rights approach, urged decentring the Soviet Union from America’s top priorities and pushed for a rapid conclusion of arms control negotiations. For his part

in A precarious equilibrium
Kelly-Kate Pease

out the general diplomatic architecture of states to show how bureaucratic agencies ensure the continuity of diplomatic relationships with other governments and IGOs in spite of changes in personnel or leadership. These external and internal factors shape how, and if, human rights and humanitarianism are systematically pursued by the diplomatic arms of states. Inside the black box of the state are government agencies that interact with each other and their foreign counterparts. These agencies must balance their human rights and humanitarian interests and values with

in Human rights and humanitarian diplomacy