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thought and political traditions from the colonial period to the present. 6 The importation of slaves, beginning in 1658, was the first instance of an illiberal policy that would initiate the liberal and ‘enlightened’ challenges to Dutch East India Company rule and later to slavery itself. 7 This is the foundation from which this chapter proposes to launch an argument about the history of protest literature in South Africa. Contrary to popular belief and perception, protest literature did not begin in the 1960s but is actually a long-standing tradition of South
that are fundamentally intolerant: fascism, racism, religious bigotry, sexism. People have a right to hold and express such views, but they can expect – should expect – such views to be vigorously challenged. All liberals have a duty to defend liberal values and challenge illiberal ones. Tolerance does not mean that one should be unquestioningly open-minded. Nor should all views be seen as morally of the same value. Linked with
civil society, particularly against non-governmental and CSOs in authoritarian regimes or “managed” democracies such as China, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Russia, Uzbekistan, Kenya, and Uganda, alongside many new cases – though illiberal conduct has been observed and recorded in deep-rooted democratic societies as well (Howell, 2006 , Quigley & Pratten, 2007 , Howell & Lind, 2009
the GAL, the Irish journalist Paddy Woodworth asked Vera in November 1997 why he had covered for Amedo and Domínguez after their indictment. 50 His response: Because they were not terrorists, but persons fighting terrorism, ‘using methods that may or may not have been the right ones, granted, but they did it in all good faith’. 51 Here again encapsulated is the ‘good faith’ argument, which transforms the covert and illiberal
origins for the capacity contract are fundamentally illiberal and undemocratic. For Aristotle, the function of politics was to display a series of gender, class, racial and species supremacies: politics was where men revealed themselves to be superior to women, the propertied revealed themselves to be superior to slaves, the Greeks revealed themselves to be superior to barbarians, adults revealed themselves to be superior to children, and humans
of Ireland the largest group), the over 1.3 million UK citizens residing in the EU-27, and others. Challenges include the status of Northern Ireland and how to avoid reintroducing a border; the need for more coordination in member state citizenship laws and policies; persistent differences in member state social policies and labor market institutions causing ongoing disagreements between EU member states about free movement rules; and the rise of so-called illiberal democracy with a focus on borders and nationalism, against the EU’s aim of superseding nationalism
criteria of exclusion on grounds of security and criminality and the denial to such persons of access to humanitarian and compassionate considerations (Atak et al., 2018 ). In short, pathways to status were narrowed and rights to procedural fairness were dismantled. These illiberal exclusionary practices contrast with parallel efforts to increase economically beneficial temporary foreign work. In 2011 parliament enacted the ‘cumulative duration’ or ‘four-and-four’ rule, which was aimed at limiting the access of temporary foreign workers to
the passage and enactment of stricter national or state-wide immigration laws and anti-immigrant ambience. Creating safe spaces for immigrants thus means countering illiberal federal and/ or state politics by setting a local counter-example. In this context, fighting the announced ‘crackdown on sanctuary cities’ (Trump, 2016 ) as unconstitutional in court is a step in seeking to uphold the principles of US statehood. The peaks of public interest in sanctuary cities and the activity of sanctuary coalitions are each correlated with illiberal turns in immigration
a : 19–20). China's ‘new type of international relations’ emerged through these debates but this chapter will show how its hybrid approach reinforces, rather than challenges, the nationalist and ethnocentric logics of Western hegemony. China's revival sparked what Yongjin Zhang ( 2012 ) called ‘China anxiety’ and Zhang Weiwei ( 2012 ), ‘China shock’. There is widespread cultural anxiety amongst Western IR theorists and policymakers that China will reshape world order according to its own illiberal values (Reus-Smit 2017 : 881). China anxiety
that these debates both drew upon and helped reproduce a relatively stable antagonistic relationship between, on the one hand, the United Kingdom (and, within this, Parliament and parliamentarians) as a liberal, democratic, cautious and moderate member of the international community. And, on the other, its illiberal, irrational, evil and cowardly terrorist others determined to bring violence upon the United Kingdom, its allies, or innocent citizens therein. Significantly, this constructed antagonism (‘us’ and ‘them’) remains relatively stable, and unchanged by any of