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Doing good in Africa
Julia Gallagher

which we insist for ourselves’ (Cook, 1997a). The policy was understood to mean that sometimes Britain would be prepared to act at some cost to itself in the interests of wider principle. Cook’s recipe for principled action looks rather cautious now, followed as it was by the more assertive international interventions of the Labour Government: he was anxious to work within international legal frameworks, and at this early stage there did not appear to be wider govern- 8 Britain and Africa under Blair ment commitment to the ethical dimension to justify anything

in Britain and Africa under Blair
Julia Gallagher

are horrible and huge: poverty, conflict and AIDS appear on a scale beyond anywhere else. Moreover, at least in the parts of Africa which used to be part of the empire, Britain is the big player in terms of international intervention and help. Both these perspectives are reinforced by officials on the ground, through how they see Africa and how they experience their work there. All the big issues for them [the British government] are more starkly manifested in Africa. The scale is different: HIV, the environment – they need 108 Britain and Africa under Blair

in Britain and Africa under Blair
Georg Elwert

economy in north-eastern Afghanistan’, IDPM Working Paper, 5 (Manchester). Gosztonyi, K. (2001), ‘International intervention in the Bosnian War’, dissertation (Berlin). Grill, B. (2001), ‘Die Chaosmächte Westafrikas’, Die Zeit (27 July), 3. Hancock, G. (1997 [1989]), Lords of Poverty. The Freewheeling Lifestyles, Power, Prestige and Corruption of the Multibillion Dollar Aid Business (London). Keen, D. (1996), ‘Ein sehr bürgerlicher Bürgerkrieg’, Die Tageszeitung (7 February), 16–17. Koehler, J. (2000), Die Zeit der Jungs. Zur Organisation von Gewalt und der Austragung

in Potentials of disorder
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

striking observation with regard to this question pertains to the remarkable differences between the Caucasus and the Balkans. In the Balkans, the military defeats of the Serbs in the wars in Bosnia and about Kosovo, which paved the way to the end of violence, were achieved only owing to decisive international intervention. Likewise, the current non-violent situation in Macedonia, Bosnia and in Kosovo and the attempts at reconstructing the state are borrowed from the international community. It was international military intervention that implemented a monopoly of

in Potentials of disorder
Amikam Nachmani

’s aggressive policy towards Iraq. They doubted that he had the necessary military muscle to back it. A summation of all the above thus shows that the international intervention in the Gulf crisis and in the subsequent war was designed, first, to free Kuwait and foil an Iraqi takeover of Saudi oil fields. It also was aimed, most probably by Washington, at preventing Iraq from attacking Turkey. As noted above, Baghdad and Turkey seemed to be on a collision course: a super-Iraq could not have tolerated its total dependence upon Turkey for its water, for

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Abstract only
Dean J. White

international prominence and responsibility;’9 the same can still be said some twenty years later. The UK also has a recent history as an active participant in international interventions: since 1990 British troops have been deployed in the former Yugoslavia, northern Iraq, Afghanistan, Angola, Libya, Sierra Leone, Mali, and twice made significant contributions to the Gulf War coalitions. And thirdly, the UK’s position in the international community is affected by its close relationship with the US. As a partner, or as some would suggest an agent,10 of the US, the so

in The ignorant bystander?
Abstract only
Graham Harrison

were popularised in the media and some campaign groups as a ‘Marshall Plan for Africa’ (Gallagher, 2011: 12). For Blair, the starting point to understand his interest in MPH is his party conference address of 2001, in which he coined the now well-known turn of phrase of Africa as the ‘scar on the conscience of the world’. This speech expressed a growing conflation of ‘security’ with development that has been prevalent since 2001; it also reflected a reinvigorated enthusiasm for international intervention – what one of Blair’s advisors at around the same time called a

in The African presence
Rhiannon Vickers

that the Covenant of the League [of Nations] is taken seriously. The plea that our forces are used only to maintain peace, if not hypocritical, means that we repudiate the use of force to press purely British claims … Our policy is the maintenance of peace: the pre-war policy was the pursuit of national advantage.58 The party’s attitude towards the nature of the armed forces was that a national military capability was only acceptable to the extent that it formed part of an international military force that could be for international intervention, under the control

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Catherine Baker

locations in the postsocialist/post-conflict economy. One distinctive pattern of postsocialist/post-conflict inward migration has involved the travel of women from post-Soviet states as sex-workers, whose clients and sometimes even traffickers include the extensive foreign military and civilian workforce of international intervention in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. These circuits, including (but not solely) coercive operations by organised criminals and some private security contractors, are global networks connecting sex-workers' home countries

in Race and the Yugoslav region

's cruellest cut’ (Rorke and Szilvasi, 2017 ). In Foucauldian terms, coerced sterilisation can be seen as the biopolitical act (van Baar, 2016 ) of cleansing citizenry. In both cases, the responsible authorities legitimised such procedures as practices ‘for their own good’ (Stout, 2019 ). The developmental logic of decades The ‘Decade’ approach was not an original invention for international intervention for ‘improving’ the position of Roma. Other marginalised minorities around the globe were scrutinised by the ‘Decade’ approach as

in The Fringes of Citizenship