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constraint of common memory. He was certainly writing after Ebroin’s murder, i.e. after 680, and while Hermenar was still bishop of Autun, i.e. before 693. In fact he probably wrote before 684, when Leudegar’s remains were finally housed in Poitiers. The author himself had witnessed some of what had happened, for he gives a first-person account of a visit made to comfort Leudegar shortly before his death
d’Estivet, or whoever was then Promoter of criminal matters of the episcopal court of Beauvais, having in all likelihood bribed certain enemies of Joan and of her brothers and mother, made a false report to Pierre, Bishop of Beauvais, of happy memory, and to the late Jean Le Maistre, of the [Dominican] Order of Preaching Friars, a professor, then alive, calling himself the delegate of the Inquisitor
our own times, even though they are much more recent, 3 as if in our days human activity had ceased, or perhaps people had done nothing worthy of memory or, if deeds worth remembering have been carried out, nobody suitable could be found to commit them to writing because the scribes have slipped into inactivity through negligence. 4 So, because of this I have not suffered the times
biographies of this period such as Ralph of Caen’s Gesta Tancredi . But these possible models or analogues convey us no closer to the author’s motives. All that we can say is that his memorial was intended to honour Rodrigo’s memory, and in part perhaps to defend him against calumny. The author’s recourse to documents raises questions about how and where he gained access to them
, admits that she would be less far advanced towards salvation were it not for the prayers of Pier Pettinaio. Dante was writing about 1315; for the great Florentine (and no great friend of the Sienese) the saint’s memory was alive a quarter of a century after his death. Augustine Thompson has observed that ‘The adoption of Pietro into the Franciscan family was
memory’. Once these words had been said, my lord the duke (who knew to what end he had held the banquet) looked at the Church, and as if having pity on her, pulled from a breast pocket a letter spelling out that he had vowed to come to the aid of Christianity (as it will be seen later). At this Mother Church made a gesture of joy, and seeing that my lord had handed
of the king and of all the lords spiritual and temporal, and of the commons of the realm then gathered in parliament, announced and declared that at about eight o’clock in the morning he arrived in Calais Castle and came to the said duke of Gloucester, whose memory was then good, and who was not under duress in prison, and, in the presence of John Lancaster and John Lovetot
, military success, and opportunistic use of the resources of the church. It was a climb marked by shifts in fortune, such as the unexpected death in battle of Liudolf’s eldest son, Brun (d. 880), which changed the family’s dynamics by elevating a younger brother, Otto ‘the Illustrious’ (i.e. Henry I’s father) to a position of leadership. 25 It was also marked by conflict. Thietmar had dim memories of a
relatives, made the decision to transform the unneeded castle at Diessen into a religious house. 4 It received its first papal privilege in 1132, but the origins of the community probably lie in the late 1110s or early 1120s. 5 During subsequent decades, the house at Diessen emerged as an important site for the preservation of the Andechs lineage’s memory, and many of the twelfth-century members of the
invoked. Accordingly, following in the footsteps of our predecessors of happy memory, Popes Calixtus, Eugenius, Alexander, Clement, Celestine, Innocent, Gregory, Nicholas, Honorius and Nicholas III, we have taken the Jews under the shield of our protection, ordering among the rest that no Christian presume in any wise to wound or kill Jews, or take their money or expel them from his service before