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Laura Ugolini

getting tired out, people no longer talk of the war, they are saturated with it, they live with it, they sleep with it, it enters into their every thought and action, it is part of their flesh and of their bone … When are we again to live proper lives?’1 The war, Arthur Marwick suggests, was changing lives on the home front in important ways, and ‘as 1916 passed away the community began to savour more sharply the realities of modern total war’.2 It is some of the most significant changes to the ‘everyday’ lives of middle-class men that are explored here. The chapter

in Civvies
Keith Laybourn

cultural life of the working-​ class bettor. Indeed, within working-​ class communities greyhound tracks were not necessarily the social pariahs that they have often been presented as being by many middle-​class MPs, religious groups and anti-​gambling associations. Indeed, greyhound tracks offered a variety of experiences and were not the glum and guilt-​ridden denizens that many middle-​class critics presented them as being. They assumed an important and dominating position within the lives of 124 124 Going to the dogs a relatively small proportion of the working

in Going to the dogs
Michael John Law

used it in the Great War, the motorcycle became the dominant form of independent powered mobility in the early 1920s. By 1925, it had been overtaken by the car, and became increasingly déclassé in the nuanced world of London’s suburbs. By the end of the interwar period, the motorcycle had become confined to being a form of independent motor transport for those who could not afford a car, but was also an object of enthusiasm for members of suburban motorcycling clubs. In contrast to the car, neither the bicycle nor the motorcycle was seen as an object of middle-­class

in The experience of suburban modernity
Open Access (free)
George Campbell Gosling

wealthy southern city. The options, obligations and experiences of Charley are considered in chapter 3 and then those of George in chapter 4 ; with particular attention to how the hospital payment schemes they would have navigated were introduced in our case study city. Treating the two in separate chapters reflects the distinction drawn between and separation of working-class and middle-class patients as a defining characteristic of the system that emerged over the early

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48
Women in the Freethought movement
Laura Schwartz

local societies has suggested that there were some opportunities for women to participate in the movement at the rank and file level. Leading female Freethinkers were on the whole from the upper-working and lower-middle class (though a few came from wealthier backgrounds) and for them a commitment to Freethought often entailed financial insecurity. They combined their Freethinking views with adherence to a variety of radical

in Infidel feminism
Michael John Law

Motorist was more likely aimed at the knowing, experienced driver which, in itself, acknowledged the rise of new drivers drawn from the low to middle section of the middle classes whose milieu was the suburb not the city. The authors explain that ‘This modest but quite attractive little book … is designed to assist, soothe and instruct the motorist-­in-­embryo who longs to join the procession on the Kingston By-­Pass but is uncertain how to set about it’.22 How to Be a Motorist portrays car ownership as the norm in middle-­class suburban life, claiming that ‘cars are

in The experience of suburban modernity
Abstract only
Transitioning from film to digital
Ben Lamb

explores how each series uses horror-film conventions to depict perceived threats to society, including the underclass of Prime Suspect , middle-class femininity in Frost , and Cracker ’s working-class ‘masculinity in crisis’. Next, the sombreness pervading the private lives of detectives is explored to deduce how each series’ presentation of civilian life engages with notable socio

in You’re nicked
Kate Hill

? Simon Morgan’s study of Leeds between 1830 and 1860 suggested that middle-class women developed ‘identities based around notions of civic virtue and public service’ and that their sense of worth, such that they should be part of dominant public life, stemmed from this public service.12 He suggests that ‘the public’ should be understood as a complex, overlapping and organically developing series of publics, in most of which women were embedded to some degree, and through which they attempted to navigate in order to find positions from which to speak; they both opposed

in Women and Museums, 1850–1914
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The General Strike as social drama
Rachelle Hope Saltzman

and attacked traditional notions about what constituted a stable society that people were both wary and defensive about any indication of further assault (Weinberger, 1987: 34; Powell, 2002: 124–5). As retired solicitor Bruno Marmorstein – a middle-class, Jewish public school boy of 15 in 1926 – commented, ‘I think the Russian revolution made a lot of difference to the way people looked at things . . . In those days, in 1926 if you were sympathetic to Labour, you were branded as a communist!’ (Marmorstein, Interview, 1985; see Graves and Hodge, 1941: 141). Unstable

in A lark for the sake of their country
Brad Beaven

artisans and the rest of the working community. Despite being designed for artisan instruction, the societies’ survival into the second half of the century owed most to the continued patronage of middle-class members. This unpopularity among working-class males can be explained by the organisers’ insistence that ‘entertainment’ was kept to a minimum and that teaching and discussion should be monitored along strict guidelines. For example, the Mechanics Institute in Coventry was established in 1828 and formed to teach the city’s artisan weavers a variety of ‘safe’ natural

in Leisure, citizenship and working-class men in Britain, 1850–1945