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Daniel Finn

on pan-nationalist unity. Adams had concluded that the IRA campaign was going nowhere and that it was time to begin winding down the Provisional war machine in favour of an exclusively political strategy. The story of the Northern Irish peace process, and the reassessment of Provo ideology that made it possible, has often been told. Less attention has been paid to the class dimension of this mutation. When Sinn Féin began its electoral rise in the 1980s, party spokesmen had often presented it as the mouthpiece of an excluded Catholic working class whose voices had

in Waiting for the revolution
Dissident republican strategies and campaigns
Sophie A. Whiting

of wider republican re-alignment, establishes itself as an entity in its own right.’26 Therefore, RNU’s opposition to the path taken by Sinn Féin was based upon the perceived failure of Adams’s party to challenge the ‘British war machine’, symbolised by the ­building of a large new MI5 headquarters in Belfast.27 RNU are not a political party and state they do not have any immediate plans to stand in elections. They do however adopt a pragmatic approach towards electoral politics by acknowledging that it could be a possible avenue to be explored in the future.28

in Spoiling the peace?
Lauren Wilcox

which technological apparatuses such as drones are and have been put, we can say, along with Puar, that ‘the potential for gender differentiation in the first instance is already the potential – indeed the capacitation – of whiteness; the capacity to lean into gender ‘undecidability’, the province of that same whiteness.’ 41 Drone assemblages, in a mode that both resembles the politics of gender and also makes use of gender, take part in the production of a capacity to ‘fix’ certain bodies and identities so various war machines might be able to ‘tell the

in Drone imaginaries
Janice Valls- Russell

, tiered platforms that Pelly used for his Avignon production as war machines. 17 Like Ilium, Angiers defies diplomacy and embodies opposition. Hence the temptation to batter down the ‘winking gates’ (215) and dislodge the ‘sleeping stones’ (216) of ‘old-fac’d’ (259) ‘saucy walls’ (404). 18 In a joint act of royal one-upmanship, John would ‘lay this Angiers even with the

in Interweaving myths in Shakespeare and his contemporaries
Abstract only
Steve Chibnall

began to pile in to the film. Considerations of the cinematic merits of I Aim at the Stars were completely overshadowed by its politics. Whatever his personal beliefs or scientific principles, von Braun’s expertise was thought to have helped to maintain the Nazi regime by enhancing its war machine. 19 Like Peter Burnup, an admirer of Lee Thompson’s cinema, reviewers found the film ‘hard to take’ ( News of the

in J. Lee Thompson
Steve Chibnall

Nazis for their ‘war machine’, from German-occupied Toulouse across the Pyrenees to Spain. The man trying to stop the escape is Gunther von Berkow (Malcolm McDowell), a psychopathic SS captain. If the film is remembered today, it is for the mad-eyed campness of McDowell’s performance. In his rendition of a sadist with a macabre sense of humour, McDowell goes beyond Clockwork Orange’s Alex and seems to be getting into

in J. Lee Thompson
The United States Sanitary Commission and the development of the Red Cross Movement, 1861–1871
James Crossland

issue of men dying on a single battlefield, created the USSC. As such, there was always a distance between the visceral misery that acted as handmaiden for the Red Cross, and the more prosaic problems of long-term logistical planning and resource management that confronted Bellows. Another difference was that, in contrast to Dunant’s rhetoric of ‘tutti fratelli’, the USSC was an unambiguous component of the Union’s war machine. There was little mention by Bellows, Harris or anyone else of assisting the even more woefully ill-prepared medical services of the

in The Red Cross Movement
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Party politics, Spanish America and the Treaty of Utrecht (1713)
Steve Pincus

finance their war machine. ‘If Spain’ and Spanish America ‘shall be left in the possession of the French king by a peace’, warned one Whig, ‘mere poverty will soon bring England and all Europe under the French dominion.’ 20 We ‘aim not at conquest’, another Whig later explained, ‘our trade giving us all the wealth we could desire’. 21 In 1709–10, then, the Whigs were on the brink of signing a peace that would secure their imperial vision. They hoped for a world in which British manufactures, whether textiles produced in Lancashire or ships and food made in New

in Making the British empire, 1660–1800
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Jeremy Tambling

Arab mare and the rabbit. The Rat Man is seen as holding on, as a memory, to his destructiveness. This suggests that his obsessional neurosis is not personal, but typical of an educated and sophisticated generation which was caught up in the war machine (devising punishments, being killed) like Gerald Crich. But the cruelties the Rat Man fantasises are less than the collective destructiveness of the

in Literature and psychoanalysis
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Revisiting the cultural significance of the white cliffs of Dover
Melanie Küng

Sonia Orwell and Ian Angus (eds), The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell , 4 vols ( London : Secker and Warburg ), vol. 2, pp. 184 – 97 . Phillips , Caryl ( 2002 ), ‘ The Pioneers: Fifty Years of Caribbean Migration to Britain ’ in Caryl Phillips (ed.), A New World Order ( London : Vintage ), pp. 264 – 82 . Pick , Daniel ( 1993 ), War Machine: The Rationalisation of Slaughter in the Modern Age ( New Haven and London : Yale University Press ). The Poke ( 2015 ), ‘ White cliffs of Dover to take out restraining order

in The road to Brexit