, in La Crise de
l’Esprit (1919), pointed to what he interpreted as a renewal of European
self-awareness in reaction to the First World War. In the wake of the
Second World War, these ideas were further developed by resistance
movements. To them, promoting European unity was the sole means of
ensuring peace for the future. In the Declaration of the French Committee
for a European Federation,4 the leaders of the Frenchresistance stated
that ‘the European federation . . . can only be the result of a free decision
by the peoples, who in this way express their will to
) being morally justified. What about a situation of multiple conflicting options or duties all of variable importance or significance? If for instance you are anguishing over whether you should stay and look after your ailing, elderly mother, or go and join the Frenchresistance to fight the Germans, how will Kant’s categorical imperatives help you decide? The political or social context is not figural in Kant’s theory to establishing obligations. His categorical imperative thus has only limited practical relevance.
It was in relation to the issue of inflexibility
core mystery referred back
to the FrenchResistance. Similarly, L’Ainé des Ferchaux,
despite the presence of Belmondo (and a source in a Simenon novel), departed
radically from both New Wave and mainstream film noir, in a striking but
idiosyncratic ode to the American South.
Melville’s second gangster film period, and his most
deeply noir in all senses of the term, consists of two classic
Eurosclerosis (1959– 84) and the second phase of integration (1985– 2003)
Peter J. Verovšek
crucial that she preserve her sovereignty, so that she could continue her traditions and eventually return to greatness. 16
These considerations underlie de Gaulle’s famous appeal on the BBC following the news that France had officially requested an armistice with Germany on 18 June 1940. In it, he claimed to be the personification of the Frenchresistance and called on the remaining French forces to rally to him. In saying the words ‘ nous sommes la France ’ the General meant it literally: ‘in his view Free France was France, and he was the head of a sovereign
GARF, Fond 7021, Opis 149, Delo 167,
‘Appendix 1’, 10 June 1945.
The memoirs of a Frenchresistance fighter
‘Glaize’ cited in Bunting, The Model
Occupation , p. 290.
Albert Eblagon interviewed in Steckoll,
The Alderney Death Camp , p. 49; ‘Kirill
Nevrov’, in Cohen, The Jews in the Channel
Islands , p. 22.
repatriated, they still
faced the prospect of incarceration on their return, in spite of the
fact that many risked their lives to escape back to their
homeland. 155 Details about the journeys of a group of men
from the Orel region in Russia, formerly housed in Alderney, are
recalled at length by Bonnard and Bunting but are worth summarising
here as they represent the plight of many labourers who tried to
return home. 172 Having become members of the Frenchresistance after their release from Alderney, two of
shall return to such labelling shortly. Yet another term suggested by Segal
(452) is ‘Beckett’s theatre of inadequacy’.
Further shades of the absurd
The Kharmsian trace
While Kharms’s literary career was first suppressed, and then terminated
in appalling circumstances, he and (the early) Beckett were close contemporaries. Beckett was born just four months after Kharms; and when
Kharms died of malnutrition (in a psychiatric prison hospital, early in
1942), Beckett was active in the Frenchresistance, and beginning to think
of engaging, too, with Watt. It seems quite
in the present EU member states – a nonuniform CAP giving less to the farmers of the new entrants might be the
only way out.
The 1999 Berlin Summit, as described earlier in this chapter, showed
that resistance against changes to CAP payments was fierce, not only
from EU members that stood to gain the most, but also from strong and
well-organised farming interests. Another idea – the ‘renationalisation’
of the CAP (i.e. its abandonment) – was floated by Germany in the leadup to the Berlin Summit, but it was abandoned after heavy Frenchresistance. Given the
culture, politique, économie, géopolitique (Paris: Harmattan, 2009), 208.
20 See Majid Fakhry, A History of Islamic Philosophy, 3rd ed. (New York:
Columbia University Press, 2004), 386.
21 Seth Armus, “Primacy of the Spiritual: FrenchResistance to America and the
Formation of French Identity” (Ph.D. dissertation, State University of New
York: Stony Brook, 1998), 112.
22 Emmanuel Mounier, “Débat à Haute Voix,” Esprit, 119:2 (1946), 165.
23 Tony Judt, Past Imperfect: French Intellectuals, 1944–1956 (Berkeley and Los
Angeles: California University Press, 1992), 155
to be twinned symbolically with the memory of a child killed during the Holocaust,
and a year earlier the proposed annual reading in French lycées
of the last letter written by Guy Môquet, the 17-year-old French
communist militant executed in 1941 and historically seen as a
symbol of the FrenchResistance. Although greeted by some as
important contributions to France’s ongoing devoir de mémoire,
for others such initiatives reeked of political opportunism by
Sarkozy, whose proposals were seen by critics as tantamount to a
political instrumentalisation of history