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The rural Bildungsromane of Maura Laverty and Patrick Kavanagh
Michael G. Cronin

and the collective could be aligned in less starkly oppositional terms than those delineated in Joyce and O’Brien’s versions of the form. One of Laverty’s approaches to achieving this symbolically is through a version of the Catholic marital ideal; for this reason her novel is the point at which the history of the genre comes into closest alignment with the discourses of sexuality promoted by Irish Catholicism. Kavanagh expresses a vigorous scepticism of any such symbolic resolution to the disjunction between self and society, yet the prevailing undercurrent of

in Impure thoughts
A study in perjury
Owen Dudley Edwards

revolution’ in Irish Catholicism is (like the hero of that supposed event, Paul Cardinal Cullen) a little apt to confuse devotion with administration. Devotion cannot be measured: the material artefact and physical exertions from which devotional revolution has been assessed are vulnerable to Our Lord’s parable of the Pharisee and the publican, and his admiration for the widow’s mite over the proud purses. The Catholics of Nicholas Sheehy’s Ireland may have been much more irregular in their Mass attendance than their descendents a century later, but they had made a far

in Irish Catholic identities
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John Privilege

’ and had exercised a ‘comprehensive moral influence’ over Ireland.115 The Freeman’s Journal told how Logue had ‘loved all Irishmen and longed for the peace and union that it was denied him to see. But his prayers will be even more powerful in death than in life.’116 A more measured evaluation was provided by The Times which noted that the passing of Cardinal Logue was ‘the most considerable break between the old and the new Ireland. It is the fall of the oldest tree in the forest, the grand old man of Irish life and the patriarch of Irish Catholicism.’117 Logue

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
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Cara Delay

modern phenomenon of the single-family home and the nuclear family. In his view, the home became, by the late nineteenth century, the ‘fundamental unit of culture’ and thus the primary site of religious consumption.25 Acquiring devotional items for the home was a primary duty of Irish wives and mothers. Thus modern Irish Catholicism, with its visual and material culture, was deeply wedded to commercialisation and consumerism. Indeed, the rise of the middle classes in Ireland, as elsewhere, was accompanied by ‘the rise of commodity culture’.26 In Lisa Godson’s analysis

in Irish women and the creation of modern Catholicism, 1850–1950
Brian Hanley

and the Angelus on the national radio, and Radio Eireann itself … This was the public value system which was restraining the latent violence in our nation.161 Fennell suggested that ‘the two pillars of this system of civil values were Irish Catholicism and Sinn Féin nationalism – that remarkable synthesis of all the elements in Irish nationalism which was achieved between 1916 and 1921’.162 Now, Fennell saw the same forces that favoured liberalization as intent on undermining nationality. Despite his desire to include Ulster Protestants in a new Ireland, he

in The impact of the Troubles on the Republic of Ireland, 1968–79
Kathryn Walls

. (I.x.53) 26 Their interlocking arms may be intended to recall the ‘Trinity knots’ that the first Protestant Bishop of Durham, James Pilkington, had identified as objects of superstition. See Works of James Pilkington, ed. Scholefield, 80. But I have been unable to establish the history of this icon, which is today associated with the Irish – whether in reference to Celtic paganism, or to Irish Catholicism (or both), I do not know. 27 Cf. John 3:5: nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua et Spiritu non potest introire in regnum Dei (‘except that a man be borne of water

in God’s only daughter
Angela McCarthy

devotional revolution in Ireland, 1850–1875’, American Historical Review , 77 (1972), pp. 625–52, reprinted in Emmet Larkin, The Historical Dimensions of Irish Catholicism (Dublin, 1997 ), pp. 57–89. 39 Shipboard diary of Jane Findlayson, 1876, ATL, MS

in Scottishness and Irishness in New Zealand since 1840
The place of religion
Karin Fischer

once a week, as against 81 per cent in 1990.34 Figures from 2012 show a further decline in attendance, to 34 per cent on average, with a low of 14 per cent in the Dublin area.35 There is in fact a whole gradation between believers who may not attend Church any more but would still describe themselves as religious and those who are also sometimes called ‘cultural Catholics’ because they have only retained the cultural dimension of traditional Irish Catholicism. Hence the use of the phrase ‘à la carte Catholicism’ to describe the new religious reality. Some have also

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
Tim Allender

its part, the state’s anxiety about Loreto, and other Catholic orders in India, was not so much about the education they offered as about Irish Catholicism itself. Before the 1850s, over one-third of the East India Company army consisted of Irish Catholic soldiers, with many of them only able to speak Irish Gaelic and, therefore, requiring their own Gaelic-speaking Roman Catholic chaplains. By 1880

in Learning femininity in colonial India, 1820–1932
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Lindsay J. Proudfoot and Dianne P. Hall

community “Patrick” and by the other “Alfred” had been settled’. 37 As the street was known as Patrick Street in all the official documents, ‘Alfred Street’ clearly embodied a pointed ethnic, and presumably politically inspired, objection by some residents to the use of a name with connotations of Irish Catholicism and – in their view – disloyalty. Naming appears in this

in Imperial spaces