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The case of New Labour
Craig Berry

Labour’s approach to the DDA, where trade and development policy objectives combined. It will also reflect on New Labour’s understanding of the nature of the WTO and supranational institutions more generally. Again, it focuses most on DTI/BERR, given the department’s responsibility for trade negotiations. However, DfID is also referred to. The WTO After the failure of the WTO ministerial meeting in Seattle in 1999 – famed for the accompanying ‘anti-globalisation’ protests – to launch a new WTO negotiating round, New Labour remained committed to the WTO and a new round

in Globalisation and ideology in Britain
On Regie, realism and political critique
Peter M. Boenisch

side unequivocally with this activist who promises to sort out all problems. Already in Ibsen’s original drama, Stockmann uses his speech to the public to discuss ‘greater issues’ than the poisoned wells. At this point, Ostermeier (b. 1968) and his dramaturg Florian Borchmeyer (b. 1974), who had translated the playtext into present-day colloquial German, inserted The Coming Insurrection into their production. This controversial anti-globalisation manifesto from 2007, published on the Internet by an anonymous French anarchist group calling itself The Invisible

in Directing scenes and senses
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The ‘war against war’ of the multitude
Julian Reid

various forms of anti-globalisation and anti-capitalist movements which drew succour from Empire at the close of the twentieth century and the newer social movements within liberal societies dedicated more directly to the contest of the liberal way of war at the beginning of the twentyfirst. In attempting to forge a theoretical platform for the development of resistance to the liberal way of war today, Hardt and Negri have inevitably been forced to address the historical traditions of pacifism. In a certain sense, in developing their concept of ‘war against war’ what

in The biopolitics of the war on terror
Ben Tonra

of European Republic is that of establishing its own narrative coalition. Were a narrative coalition possible – rooted either perhaps in a modernist/ capitalist meta narrative or in a post-modernist/anti-globalisation meta-narrative – then a strong discursive hegemony might be re-established. In doing so, however, the narrative and discursive space would then be opened for a single contender to seek to destablise and ultimately unseat this redefined European narrative. Our final set of conclusions relate to the policy choices deriving from this discursive contest

in Global citizen and European Republic
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Evil terrorists, good Americans
Richard Jackson

and rather unstable property (Townshend 2002 : 7). After all, just as German citizens worked in munitions factories during World War II, it is possible to argue that the civilian workers in the Pentagon could not strictly be considered ‘innocent’. Post-modernists and anti-globalisation critics have demonstrated that everyone is implicated to some degree in global structures of power and domination

in Writing the war on terrorism
Richard Jackson

that the attacks could be read as being connected to American foreign policy. The attackers are thus denied a voice and their reasons are deconstructed and replaced by other (more acceptable) reasons (see Lincoln 2002 : 27). The language implies that as the attacks were ‘totally irrelevant’ to the Middle East conflict, they must have been caused by hatred of democracy and freedom, anti-globalisation

in Writing the war on terrorism
Racial capitalism and workplace resistance
Ben Rogaly

] because they had orders from somebody above and the supervisors were there just to keep pushing us, like push, push, push. And the guy who was the supervisor, he was a football trainer, so his attitude, like standing in front in the middle of the warehouse and shouting … It was really annoying and degrading, like talking you down, constantly shouting at you … Sabina had been an anti-globalisation activist in Poland. She told me that when she started work at a warehouse she felt as though she had ‘sold her soul’. Yet she stayed for eight years. I felt like there was just

in Stories from a migrant city
Richard Dunphy and Luke March

entryism into larger parties such as the PRC and the Spanish IU, or broader social movements such as the anti-globalisation movement ‘Globalise Resistance’, founded in Britain in 2001. Finally, Maoist Internationals have been more negligible still in European (and world) politics, given that the Chinese Communist Party has never consistently sought to support a Comintern-like structure; indeed, they are largely confined to the global south (Alexander, 2001 ). The only organisation with much of a European presence is the International Conference of Marxist

in The European Left Party
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Andrew Balmer and Anne Murcott

selecting materials that can be shown to be relevant. You will have noticed that the student has also thought about how she might want to use this selection to construct her own argument about Occupy. You can see in the extract below, which comes from the middle of the essay, how she goes on to use the concepts and propositions she has identified in Castells’ work directly in relation to Occupy. This helps her build her own argument by a critical engagement with Castells whilst relating these materials directly to the question. The success of anti-globalisation

in The craft of writing in sociology
Barry Cannon

in the developing world. Venezuela has announced its interest in extending its diplomatic representation in Africa, has shown a greater interest in developing country networks such as the G77 in the UN and the Non-Aligned Movement and hosted the XII G15 Summit in Caracas in 2004. Venezuela also is encouraging the search for grassroots alternatives to capitalism by, for example, hosting the World Social Forum, the alternative grouping for anti-globalisation activists, in Caracas in 2006. The core of this Third Worldist trade and diplomatic activity, however, has

in Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian revolution