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Niilo Kauppi

complex but pessimistic and disenchanted view of politics. Indeed, towards the end of his life, he became a prominent political figure in the anti-globalisation struggle. Bourdieu's theory of politics can be divided into three components: a general analysis of the social aspects of the political (le politique) and domination, a more specific analysis of politics (la politique), and the political practice that he developed at the end of A structural constructivist theory of politics and of European integration 23 his career.1 The first component elaborates chiefly on

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
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Illness, disability and ‘improper’ subjects
Stephen Greer

self-​care may constitute a field of action that is not reducible to the proper distribution of individualised responsibility:  that care may take the form of a governmentalised demand does not mean that is unable to serve alternative, reparative ends.  182 182 Queer exceptions Care and self-​care: the vacuum cleaner Such possibilities are apparent in the work of ‘art and activism cell of one’ James Leadbitter, better known as the vacuum cleaner for his appearance in an anti-​globalisation intervention titled Cleaning Up After Capitalism (2003). Leadbitter

in Queer exceptions
Dystopian performatives and vertigo aesthetics in popular theatre
Simon Parry

, Philippe Pignarre and Isabelle Stengers took inspiration from the cry heard at the Seattle protests in 1999: ‘another 66 Science in performance world is possible’. The link that Stengers draws between anti-globalisation movements and her cosmopolitical philosophy of science is rooted in an impulse to speculate about the possibility of another world. With Pignarre she attempts to assemble diverse and sometimes divergent practices to revive a sense of futurity and speculation as a political practice: ‘propositions that attempt to transmit effectively – affectively – a

in Science in performance
The case of New Labour
Craig Berry

Labour’s approach to the DDA, where trade and development policy objectives combined. It will also reflect on New Labour’s understanding of the nature of the WTO and supranational institutions more generally. Again, it focuses most on DTI/BERR, given the department’s responsibility for trade negotiations. However, DfID is also referred to. The WTO After the failure of the WTO ministerial meeting in Seattle in 1999 – famed for the accompanying ‘anti-globalisation’ protests – to launch a new WTO negotiating round, New Labour remained committed to the WTO and a new round

in Globalisation and ideology in Britain
On Regie, realism and political critique
Peter M. Boenisch

side unequivocally with this activist who promises to sort out all problems. Already in Ibsen’s original drama, Stockmann uses his speech to the public to discuss ‘greater issues’ than the poisoned wells. At this point, Ostermeier (b. 1968) and his dramaturg Florian Borchmeyer (b. 1974), who had translated the playtext into present-day colloquial German, inserted The Coming Insurrection into their production. This controversial anti-globalisation manifesto from 2007, published on the Internet by an anonymous French anarchist group calling itself The Invisible

in Directing scenes and senses
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The ‘war against war’ of the multitude
Julian Reid

various forms of anti-globalisation and anti-capitalist movements which drew succour from Empire at the close of the twentieth century and the newer social movements within liberal societies dedicated more directly to the contest of the liberal way of war at the beginning of the twentyfirst. In attempting to forge a theoretical platform for the development of resistance to the liberal way of war today, Hardt and Negri have inevitably been forced to address the historical traditions of pacifism. In a certain sense, in developing their concept of ‘war against war’ what

in The biopolitics of the war on terror
Ben Tonra

of European Republic is that of establishing its own narrative coalition. Were a narrative coalition possible – rooted either perhaps in a modernist/ capitalist meta narrative or in a post-modernist/anti-globalisation meta-narrative – then a strong discursive hegemony might be re-established. In doing so, however, the narrative and discursive space would then be opened for a single contender to seek to destablise and ultimately unseat this redefined European narrative. Our final set of conclusions relate to the policy choices deriving from this discursive contest

in Global citizen and European Republic
Racial capitalism and workplace resistance
Ben Rogaly

] because they had orders from somebody above and the supervisors were there just to keep pushing us, like push, push, push. And the guy who was the supervisor, he was a football trainer, so his attitude, like standing in front in the middle of the warehouse and shouting … It was really annoying and degrading, like talking you down, constantly shouting at you … Sabina had been an anti-globalisation activist in Poland. She told me that when she started work at a warehouse she felt as though she had ‘sold her soul’. Yet she stayed for eight years. I felt like there was just

in Stories from a migrant city
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Mapping the nation
Sivamohan Valluvan

certain anti-migrant and anti-minority attitudes that 24 Valluvan The clamour of nationalism.indb 24 30-05-2019 12:06:09 introduction are discursively attributed to this constituency. An extensive matrix of populist left-wing motifs – for example, anti-establishment, anti-metropolitan elite, anti-globalisation – is in turn folded into a much broader, symbolically aggressive nationalist attachment to a notion of authentic white workingclass consciousness and history. Herein, in unpacking the left formations that have become susceptible to contemporary nationalist

in The clamour of nationalism
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The left and welfare state nationalism
Sivamohan Valluvan

speech, secularism, the rule of law and civility; the neoliberal – nation as mediator of economic enterprise and ‘homo economicus’; and the conservative – nation in nostalgic relation to the provincial, imperial, Christianist or rustic white. And, inevitably, the communitarian left too – nation in relation to the welfare state and broader antimarket, anti-globalisation sentiments. The ideological contouring of nationalism at the present moment calls upon all these various repertoires. This observation constitutes an important reminder to those with left or left

in The clamour of nationalism