backwardness – I mean nobody wants to pay rates,
nobody wants to pay tax, but who’s going to maintain the infrastructure?20
While the Liberal–Conservative coalitions were leading the council,
the local Labour Party was beginning to transform itself from a largely
reactionary bastion of blue-collar, Irish-Catholicism to a party led by
younger, better educated activists with a more left-wing outlook. The
new generation of local Labour leaders sought to broaden the party’s
base beyond trade unionists and advocated a far more radical agenda in
order to combat the lingering
modern phenomenon of
the single-family home and the nuclear family. In his view, the home
became, by the late nineteenth century, the ‘fundamental unit of
culture’ and thus the primary site of religious consumption.25
Acquiring devotional items for the home was a primary duty of
Irish wives and mothers. Thus modern IrishCatholicism, with its
visual and material culture, was deeply wedded to commercialisation
and consumerism. Indeed, the rise of the middle classes in Ireland, as
elsewhere, was accompanied by ‘the rise of commodity culture’.26 In
Lisa Godson’s analysis
Protestants came to terms with the altered political landscape left
behind by constitutional reform and the politicisation of IrishCatholicism. Some, like Benjamin Cronyn, responded to Catholic
emancipation and Irish Church reform by abandoning Ireland altogether. 149 Others stayed
put and tried to reconstruct Protestantism as both a political and
missionary force. Politically, this rejuvenation embraced new
’. She points
out that the hymns sung at Mrs Devitt’s funeral (‘Oh Mary we crown
you with blossoms today, Queen of the Angels and Queen of the
Five Irish Women
May’. ‘Ag Críost an Síol’. ‘Ave, Ave’.) were ‘cornerstones of popular
culture’: ‘If half the priests in the country were scandalous and the
other half were covering up for them, this funeral would still have
been a product of IrishCatholicism.’104 She is not the same kind of
person as Mrs Devitt and could not have such a funeral: she has
not led a traditional, family-oriented life and she is an agnostic
Negotiating religious selfhoods in post-1945 England
), chs 5–8; J. Whyte , Church and State in Modern Ireland, 1923–1970 ( Dublin , 1971 ).
11 On change in the Irish context, see L. Fuller , IrishCatholicism since 1950. The Undoing of a Culture ( Dublin , 2002 ), esp. chs 3–6; B. Girvin , ‘ Church, State and Society in Ireland since 1960 ’, Eire-Ireland 43 : 1 ( 2008 ), 74 – 98 , and B. Girvin , ‘ Contraception, Moral Panic and Social Change in Ireland, 1969–79 ’, Irish Political Studies 23 : 4 ( 2008 ), 555 – 576 . For the English debates see Brown, The Death of Christian Britain ; J
123 Manchester Courier, 10 November 1913.
124 Manchester Guardian, 18 November and 3 December 1913.
125 Manchester Guardian, 24 November 1919.
126 Tom Inglis, Moral monopoly: the Catholic Church in modern Irish society
(Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1987).
127 Sean Connolly, Priests and people in pre-famine Ireland, 1740–1845 (Dublin:
Gill & Macmillan, 1982; reprinted Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2001), p. 103.
128 David Miller, ‘IrishCatholicism and the great famine’, Journal of Social
History, 9:1 (1975–76), pp. 81–98.
129 Connolly, Priests and people
Hillsborough, Sunday, Dockers, Gunpowder, Treason and Plot
writer fails to acknowledge
anywhere in his hyperbole-ridden review. More than anything, though,
the tone of the writing serves mainly to confirm one of the things that
drove McGovern to write Hillsborough in the first place, something
which Marcus Free explains in an article that discusses the relationship
between Liverpool writers and Irish identity in Britain:
For McGovern the label ‘Scouser’ signifies birth in Liverpool, but also
a cultural sensibility and sense of difference informed by IrishCatholicism. On the anti-Liverpool prejudice following the 1989
something he considered essential: a
condemnation and cessation of ‘the crusade instituted by the R.C.
priesthood against the temporalities of the Established Church’.248
The remainder of the letter was a diatribe against what he believed
to be the unreasonable ingratitude and hypocrisy of priests in supporting candidates whose objective was to ‘subvert’ the established
Church. He concluded with a flourish that left no doubt as to his
How far the Pope & Cardinal Antonelli may be inclined to go in imposing a real check upon the aggressive spirit of IrishCatholicism
Tuairim’s challenge to the conservative consensus on education and childcare
and dublin branches sent memoranda to the commission. Tuairim’s dublin
branch argued that ‘the degree of isolation of [Trinity]…from the community
is unhealthy for that institution…it [is] important that T.c.d. be better
integrated into the irish university system’. See also fuller, IrishCatholicism,
p. 188; cooney, McQuaid, p. 411.
58 Sunday Independent, 23 february 1969; ucd ad p22, robin dudley edwards
papers, 203 (98), Student publication from 2 december 1968–4 march 1969,
Confrontation: students for democratic action – UCD, 4 march 1969.
59 Tuairim, United