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Julia Gallagher

it. Notes  1 Amitai Etzioni provides a more static and uniform account of communi­ tarianism (Etzioni, 1995). This approach has been quite reasonably criticised for presenting a too uniform, too static view of society (Kymlicka, 2002).   2 See, for example, Stephen Chan’s description of the US tendency to view foreign policy challenges in terms of good and evil (Chan, 2005b).   3 More tangible and political forms of utopia did, of course, become the ambition of succeeding generations of Jews.   4 This more Kantian formulation is described by Kimberly Hutchings

in Britain and Africa under Blair
Sarah Hale

philosophy . Yet the oft-cited ‘gurus’ of the Third Way – Anthony Giddens way out in front, with Amitai Etzioni leading the pack following a good distance behind – are not political philosophers, but sociologists. When Blair said, at the launch of the Social Exclusion Unit, ‘My political philosophy is simple. Individuals prosper in a strong and active community of citizens. But

in The Third Way and beyond
Jarle Trondal
,
Martin Marcussen
,
Torbjörn Larsson
, and
Frode Veggeland

culture. Summing up: international civil servants – men without a country?4 Today, opinions are somewhat diverging, particularly when it comes to the Commission, on how international bureaucracies’ internal work is affected by its legal mandate, by the stakeholders (member states), and by the wider administrative environment. A long-held assumption has been that nationality affects the internal functioning of the Commission. As claimed by Amitai Etzioni (2004: 1), ‘The Commission is composed of national representatives’. However, the observations reported above

in Unpacking international organisations
Abstract only
Epistemological finitude or infinite freedom?
Peter Triantafillou

is increasingly singled out as a site of intervention in the Anglophone countries, notably the US. There, the works of the sociologist Amitai Etzioni (Etzioni, 1993, 1997) and other influential US scholars (Selznick, 1994; Barber, 1998) outlined an image of the decline of the core moral values of US society from the 1960s onwards. Notions of deviance were relaxed, and commitment to marital conjugation declined together with the respect for public authorities. Moreover, the loss of industrial workplaces and the growth of urban sprawl and inner-city slums have all

in Neoliberal power and public management reforms
Myrto Tsakatika

common moral understandings expressed as virtues within practices, however minimal, are built up in parallel across Europe. It may well be that convergence towards elements of a common morality is the necessary accompaniment of the discursive processes of political community formation envisaged by neo-republicans. Other advocates of this view, such as Amitai Etzioni, speak not of virtues and participation in common practices as constitutive of moral community but of common values and affective ties. He argues that those can be built at the European level through public

in Political responsibility and the European Union
Ayla Göl

his fellow army officers, the Anatolian peoples’ will-­power, the fear of being arrested and an agreement with the Karakol Cemiyeti (Outpost Society). Erik J. Zürcher, The Unionist Factor: The Role of the Committee of Union and Progress in the Turkish National Movement, 1905–1926, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1984, p. 111. 83 Philip G. Cerny, ‘Foreign Policy Leadership and National Integration’, British Journal of International Studies, 5 (April 1979), p. 79. 84 Cited in Max Weber, ‘The Routinisation of Charisma’, in Amitai Etzioni and Eva Etzioni, eds, Social Change

in Turkey facing east