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David Brown

the histories of most of the geographical regions of the early modern Atlantic world that treat each European state with its nascent empire as a separate entity. The history of commerce is less easily contained within a territory. The concept of ‘circum-Atlantichistory attempts to escape territorial boundaries; the idea is that the history of the Atlantic is a transnational one that transcends the European nation states and also draws Asian economies into an expanding Atlantic network. 10 The Adventurers for Irish land belonged to this circum-Atlantic world

in Empire and enterprise
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The plantation of Ulster: ideas and ideologies
Éamonn Ó Ciardha and Micheál Ó Siochrú

anti-Europeanism. One of the most vocal critics, Nicholas Canny, believes the new historiography implies an integrity for ‘these islands . . . probably in excess of any that ever existed’, exaggerating unity at the expense of diversity and detracting from European and colonial comparatives. 20 In the preface to Making Ireland British Canny writes that his aim is to place Ireland in the history of British overseas expansion, an exercise in colonial or ‘Atlantichistory. He concludes, however, with a caustic swipe in the direction of the New British History

in The plantation of Ulster
"On the political passions in Europe and America and their implications for Transatlantic History"
Charles S. Maier

American History. Nonetheless, it still rested on an implicit teleology for a ‘Western’ or Atlantic History – liberal and democratic institutions developed together as part of what might be thought of as an irreversible force. The overthrow of communist regimes in Eastern Europe in 1989 reinforced this success story. But historians today need to ask in the light of contemporary ‘populist’ challenges whether these optimistic premises were flawed as the basis of a historiographical programme. And a further question arises: even if we can rescue the transatlantic project

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
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Early English encounters with the New World
Rachel Winchcombe

various ways in which ideas, commodities, and people moved between and around the broader Atlantic world. This scholarship, by tracing this movement back and forth across the Atlantic in the early modern period, has demonstrated the interconnectedness of European colonising states and Indigenous and African societies. 6 A criticism levelled at Atlantic history has been its tendency to focus on the core, and most especially nation states, rather than on peripheries. 7 In contrast, borderlands scholarship has emphasised the importance of peripheries to our understanding

in Encountering early America
Patrick Browne (c.1720–90), an Irish botanist and physician in the West Indies
Marc Caball

, it has been suggested that the dissemination and exchange of botanical and medical information between cultures was one of the characteristics of Early Modern globalisation. 4 The rise of Atlantic history over recent decades, although its intellectual lineage is arguably to be traced at least as far back as the post-war period and the Cold War, has enabled new readings of intersecting histories. Applied as a framework of analysis to topics as diverse as the history of sexualities, the family and indigenous Americans

in Early Modern Ireland and the world of medicine
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Douglas J. Hamilton

the west: A passage in the peopling of America on the eve of the revolution (London: I. B. Tauris, 1987 ); B. Bailyn, ‘The idea of Atlantic history’, Itinerario , 20 ( 1996 ), 19–44; D. W. Meinig, The shaping of America , vol. 1: Atlantic America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986 ); I. K. Steele, The English Atlantic

in Scotland, the Caribbean and the Atlantic world 1750–1820
Miles Taylor

and the Common Good (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007), pp. 285–302; Peter Miller, Defining the Common Good: Empire, Religion and Philosophy in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); David Armitage, Greater Britain, 1516–1778: Essays in Atlantic History (Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum, 2004), esp. pp. 34–63, 91

in Crowns and colonies
Private organizations and governmentality
Giles Scott- Smith

(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012). 5 M. Nolan, The Transatlantic Century: Europe and America, 1890–2010 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), p. 373. 6 V. de Grazia, Irresistible Empire: America’s Advance through the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2006). 7 R. L. Moore and M. Vaudagna (eds), The American Century in Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003). 8 B. Bailyn, Atlantic History: Concept and Contours (Cambridge, MA

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
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A Short History of Guinea and its impact on early British abolitionism
Trevor Burnard

Abolitionism (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006). There is a huge body of literature on abolitionism. For a selective bibliography, see Michael Guasco, ‘The Abolition of Slavery’, in Oxford Online Bibliography in Atlantic History , www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199730414/obo-9780199730414–0001.xml?rskey=KvOAze&result=1 , accessed 21 August 2021

in Humanitarianism, empire and transnationalism, 1760–1995
1641 and the Iberian Atlantic
Igor Pérez Tostado

, 87(4) (1982), 929. 80 J. Ohlmeyer, ‘Seventeenth century Ireland and the New British and Atlantic histories’, American Historical Review, 104(2) (1999), 459 and ff; J. McGurk, ‘The pacification of Ulster, 1600–3’, in Edwards, Lenihan and Tait, Age of Atrocity, pp. 119–29. See the reply of R. Rapple ‘Writing about violence in the Tudor kingdoms’, Historical Journal, 54(3) (2011), 837–8. 81 C. Carroll, ‘Representation of women in some early modern English tracts on the colonization of Ireland’, Albion, 25(3) (1993), 389–90; R. Takaki, ‘The tempest in the

in Ireland, 1641