emphasised policy failure.28
Brian Turner has argued that Britishmulticulturalism was defined by British
liberalism (what Rorty calls liberal-culturalism); this permitted the ‘benign
neglect’ of minorities. In explaining this, Turner draws on Isaiah Berlin’s two
concepts of liberty, the distinction between negative and positive conceptions
of liberty; immigrants were generally accorded the former but were often
denied the latter.29
As defined by Berlin, negative freedom was ‘freedom from’; it existed until
someone encroached upon it, examples being freedoms of expression
the twenty-first century, the shrinking of the
welfare state combined with the “war on terrorism” has effected a change in both
official and popular attitudes towards minorities that threatens to eradicate the
hard-won gains of the last three decades.
Hybridity, in late-twentieth-century Europe, had worked well with the policies of “multiculturalism”, which acted as (safe) discourses about race. For
example, in Britain, multiculturalism (as state policy)1 and hybridity (as identity)
had become part of the state’s apparatus in “dealing with” its minorities. This
Myth, memory and emotional adaption: the Irish in post-war England and the ‘composure’ of migrant subjectivities
recognises that this continuing war has led to attacks on the civil liberties and political rights of Irish people living in Britain. 41
The discourse on Irish experience generated around ethnic mobilisation in the 1980s thus syncretised the schemas of Britishmulticulturalism and a nationalist mythology with much deeper roots in British–Irish history. Multiculturalism supplied the concept of an ‘ethnic minority’ entitled to recognition on the grounds of cultural difference and discrimination, and Irish nationalism supplied an adversarial interpretation of Anglo
Muslim integration in Britain - a theoretical and analytical framework
Immigration History of Britain: Multicultural Racism since 1800 ( Harlow : Longman , 2010 ).
47 For example, see Sally Tomlinson , Race and Education: Policy and Politics in Britain ( Maidenhead : McGraw-Hill Open University Press , 2008 ); Ken Clark and Stephen Drinkwater , ‘ Recent trends in minority ethnic entrepreneurship in Britain ’, International Small Business Journal , 28 : 2 ( 2010 ), 136 – 46 ; and Deborah Phillips , ‘ Claiming spaces: British Muslim negotiations of urban citizenship in an era of new migration ’, Transactions of the
Kenan Malik, quoted in Meer, N. and Modood, T., “The Multicultural State We're In: Muslims, ‘Multiculture’ and the ‘Civic Re-Balancing’ of BritishMulticulturalism,” Political Studies 57 (2009): 487.
Quoted in ibid.
University of Essex
Dangerous Master We’ve Had in Years ’,
Doctor Who Watch (6 January), https://doctorwhowatch.com/2020/01/06/doctor-who-sacha-dhawan-master/ (accessed 9
Ashcroft , R. T.
Bevir ( 2019 ).
‘ BritishMulticulturalism after Empire: Immigration,
Nationality, and Citizenship ’, in R. T.
Ashcroft and M.
Bevir (eds), Multiculturalism
in the British Commonwealth: Comparative Perspectives on Theory and Practice . Oakland : University of California
Exploring gender, anti-racism, and homonormativity in Shamim Sarif ’s
The World Unseen (2001) and I Can’t Think Straight
Alberto Fernández Carbajal
socially conditioned to accept the advances of suitors of her same religious background.
Sarif’s narratives suggest that, as regards marriage, British Muslim and cosmopolitan Arab communities are too religiously exclusive and that they foster monoculturalism rather than multicultural exchange, although they show how this is not just a symptom of a crisis in Britishmulticulturalism, but that it also affects Christian families based in both Britain and the Middle East. The culturally hermetic character of ethno-religious unions does not chiefly
Politics in Mid Twentieth-Century Britain: Adultery in Post-war England’, History
Workshop Journal 62(1) (2006), 86–115; S. Brooke, ‘Gender and Working Class Identity
in Britain during the 1950s’, Journal of Social History 34(4) (2001), 773–95.
M. Grimley, ‘The Church of England, Race and Multiculturalism, 1962–2012’ in J.
Garnett and A. Harris (eds), Rescripting Religion in the City: Migration and Religious Identity
in the Modern Metropolis (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), chapter 12; Panikos Panayi, An
Immigration History of Britain: Multicultural Racism since 1800 (Harlow
Immigration, welfare and housing in Britain and France, 1945–1974
Jim House and Andrew S. Thompson
Thus the pressure from social advocacy movements to improve immigrant
welfare does not appear to have been quite as strong as in France; it
did not partially re-frame official discourses, nor did it (yet) change
the terms of public debate.
The foundations of the
British ‘multicultural state’
Alongside restrictive border
controls, the two other central features of Britain
theoretical concept, ‘interculturalism’ can instead be understood in
terms of a principle for the management of diversity in practice, solving
conflicts by negotiation and dialogue. When the representative of the
IS was asked what was meant by ‘interculturalism’, it was explained as
being a model somewhere between the French assimilative and Britishmulticultural models. When challenges arise, such as wearing the veil,
requests for religious holidays and so on, the school should manage
these challenges by dialogue, and the Generalitat has no official policy
to that end. The