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others of those monasteries which it has been granted us to rule, we grant him permission to do so. 48 In the course of the ninth century, Theodulf’s instructions were distributed all over the Carolingian Empire, while in the tenth and eleventh centuries the text reached Italy, Spain and England. In many manuscripts copied outside Theodulf’s diocese, the names of the monasteries were adapted or omitted altogether, showing that this invitation was understood and used widely. 49 Of course, not every early medieval priest was in a position to use such episcopal
stand for the rights of the community to which they belonged. The limits of the use of inquest are also shown in a rare example from north-west Spain: here, when questioned, two men from each of five settlements made responses about past practice in their locality that were so ambiguous that a test by ordeal had to be arranged. 85 Interestingly, bishops in the Carolingian Empire developed an analogous instrument to the inquisitio during the later ninth century in order to be informed as accurately as possible about abuses in the parishes of their dioceses during
deiussor, warantus ), who is a surety, but is not deprived of liberty’. Kosto, ‘Hostages in the Carolingian World’, 128. 23 Timothy Reuter, ‘Plunder and Tribute in the Carolingian Empire’, TRHS , 5th ser., 35 (1985), 75–8; Kershaw, ‘Rex Pacificus’, 128
duchy of Normandy, as one of the earliest principalities to be formed out of the crumbling Carolingian empire, has often been seen as being contained within the distinctive lines formed by the rivers Epte, Eure and Avre. 31 Several historians and historical geographers have commented on how these medieval political boundaries often followed much older demarcations. Charlemagne
Word (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 227–41. 15 Waldere , ed. E. van Kirk Dobbie, The Anglo-Saxon Minor Poems (New York, 1942), pp. 4–6. 16 T. Reuter, ‘Plunder and tribute in the Carolingian empire’, TRHS , 5th series, 35 (1985), pp
Hincmar would have liked); relevant too were ideas about the deference owed to patrons, whether these patrons were kings or the founders or owners of a small local church; so too were rules about ‘translation’, that is moving from one church to another. 62 Just as the great abbeys and cathedrals of the Carolingian Empire were sanctified places, so Hincmar considered that modest parish churches were holy buildings too, whose materiality was of great symbolic significance and therefore needed to be monitored. 63 If the issues raised by the parish were both major and
in the Late Ninth Century: Charles the Fat and the End of the Carolingian Empire (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 116–17. 43 M. J. McCarthy, ‘Power and kingship under Louis II the Stammerer, 877–879’ (PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge, 2012), pp. 74–7. 44 Devisse, Hincmar , II, p. 922. 45 Ibid . 46 Ibid ., I, p. 29: ‘Reims est aussi un centre important pour l’administration du royaume et Charles compte sur le prélat pour l’aider à reprendre en mains un
secular components and repercussions, and vice versa.2 In his efforts to further his reforms Charlemagne relied on networks based on trust, loyalty and values shared with his fideles. The two meanings of the word fides, ‘faith’ and ‘fidelity’, exemplify the interwovenness of politics and religion in the Carolingian empire. When it comes to assessing Monte Cassino’s position within Charlemagne’s network of renovatio, important clues are held by Theodemar’s epistolary guide to the world of Benedictine monastic discipline, including his lengthy discussion of fashion. But
to protect Christians from the consequences of their sinful mortal life after death. Medieval people sought to atone for their sinful acts through confessing their sins and then undertaking penitential acts such as fasting, flagellation or almsgiving. 44 After the break-up of the Carolingian empire in the ninth century, the ritual of penance became integrated into secular society and was no longer
the manuscript as a whole include S. Gavinelli, ‘Per un’enciclopedia Carolingia (codex Bernese 363)’, Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 26 (1983), pp. 1–25; J. Contreni, ‘The Irish in the Western Carolingian Empire (According to James F. Kenney and Bern, Bürgerbibliothek 363)’, in H. Löwe (ed.), Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter