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Iseult Honohan

combines arguments associated with membership of the demos with others concerning the grounds for citizenship. Bauböck proposes that ACS is better able than two other principles advanced in democratic theory – the all affected interests (AAI) and all subject to coercion (ASC) principles – to subsume a range of justified claims to membership. Those norms are depicted not so much as wrong but as incomplete to cover all claims for

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
Rainer Bauböck

demonstrating that they fail to answer to the democratic membership question. My main concern was to pave the ground for my multilevel theory of stakeholder citizenship in section 4 . Ideally, in a book-length discussion, I should have devoted as much space to further working out the normative implications and real-world applications of the principles of including AAI and ASC. Miller's sharp comments provide a welcome occasion for adding some more

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
A pluralist theory of citizenship
Rainer Bauböck

political boundaries and the powers of nation-states to determine themselves who their citizens are. To be sure, most contemporary political theorists have added some critiques of current state practices or suggestions why some categories of individuals cannot be legitimately excluded from citizenship. Yet they often have done so starting from the premise that the context within which the question needs to be addressed is the international system of states as we

in Democratic inclusion

of citizenship (Taylor et al. , 2018 ). Recently there has been a growing consensus among scholars that it is predominantly practices and discourses of racialisation that make Roma visible as a minority throughout the European public space (Yuval-Davis et al. , 2017 ; McGarry, 2017 ; Kóczé and Rövid, 2017 ; Yildiz and De Genova, 2018 ): the novel form of racialisation is connected to ascribing fixed cultural characteristics to Roma, which are seemingly incompatible with liberal democratic states. As these scholars have shown, whilst racialisation constructs

in The Fringes of Citizenship
School segregation of Romani children

). This chapter looks at the ‘citizens in the making’ in education and analyses the invisible edges of citizenship on which state authorities rely to argue that they offer equal opportunities for all of their citizens. By examining the segregation of Romani children, it highlights how through such invisible edges of citizenship the educational system not only maintains but also actively constructs the civic marginalisation of minorities such as Roma. The chapter shows how governments have legitimised the segregation of Romani children in public educational systems. It

in The Fringes of Citizenship
Some questions for Rainer Bauböck
Joseph H. Carens

, empirical researchers and policy-makers alike. Those gifts are clearly on display here as Bauböck explores the virtues and limitations of three different principles of democratic inclusion: all affected interests (AAI), all subject to coercion (ASC) and all citizenship stakeholders (ACS). Bauböck argues that the three principles complement one another, with each providing legitimation for a different set of democratic institutions and practices

in Democratic inclusion
Abstract only
Allyn Fives

the utopian dimension of Rousseau's thinking. And one of his utopian arguments is that, insofar as we live together in a true republic, like his Spartan utopian ideal, then coercion will be unnecessary when we are forced to be free. This is the case because, as Shklar says, Sparta represents for Rousseau ‘a picture of the public education of perfectly socialized men – who do not suffer the miseries of actual men’: Because citizenship is a matter of self -repression, Spartan man is also free, in

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
Rupture and integration in the wake of total war

The development of the European Union as a community-based project of integration with decision-making powers outside the constitutional architecture of the nation-state is the most significant innovation in twentieth-century political organisation. It raises fundamental questions about our understanding of the state, sovereignty, citizenship, democracy, and the relationship between political power and economic forces. Despite its achievements, events at the start of the twenty-first century – including the political, economic, and financial crisis of the Eurozone, as well as Brexit and the rise of populism – pose an existential threat to the EU.

Memory and the future of Europe addresses the crisis of the EU by treating integration as a response to the rupture created by the continent’s experience of total war. It traces Europe’s existing pathologies to the project’s loss of its moral foundations rooted in collective memories of total war. As the generations with personal memories of the two world wars pass away, economic gain has become the EU’s sole raison d’être. If it is to survive its future challenges, the EU will have to create a new historical imaginary that relies not only on the lessons of the past, but also builds on Europe’s ability to protect its citizens by serving as a counterweight against the forces of globalisation. By framing its argument through the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, Memory and the future of Europe will attract readers interested in political and social philosophy, collective memory studies, European studies, international relations, and contemporary politics.

David Miller

many people present on their territory at any moment should qualify for full rights of citizenship, as well as who among those currently outside the territory might also qualify. How, then, should we think about these two interrelated boundary problems? Can the same principles guide us towards solutions to both, or do they have to be addressed independently? And which needs to be tackled first? You might think that jurisdiction is the more

in Democratic inclusion
On the relation between law, politics, and other social systems in modern societies
Darrow Schecter

which one historically documented model of FD has eclipsed others is much more centrally at stake in the present work, even if, somewhat contradictorily, it will be useful throughout the book to investigate this issue by examining some of the recurrent inconsistencies in liberal democratic theory and practice. It is customarily repeated that the inherently political-​juridical bond believed to characterise liberal democratic citizenship enables the people to make the laws that govern them, and to amend the laws that cease to meet with their consent. According to this

in Critical theory and sociological theory