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Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so many observers in the academic practitioner and global-citizen arenas? The answer presented in this book is a complex one, rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy patterns of the two powers after 1991. This book highlights the key developmental stages in the evolution of the Russian-American relationship in the post-Cold War world. The 2014 crisis was provoked by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as well as three of its former republics, the American decision to invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in 2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a regular basis between America and Russia.Key topics include struggles over the Balkans, the expansion of NATO, the challenges posed by terrorism to both nations, wars fought by both powers in the first decade of the twenty-first century, conflict over missile defence, reactions to post-2011 turmoil in the Middle East, and the mutual interest in establishing priorities in Asia.

Tracy B. Strong

116 5 Tracy B. Strong The social and political construction of the Cold War It may be difficult for us to believe but it still may be true that Stalin and Molotov considered at Yalta that by our willingness to accept a general wording of the declaration on Poland and liberated Europe, by our own recognition of the need for the Red Army for security behind its lines and of the predominant interest of Russia and Poland as a friendly neighbor and as a corridor to Germany, we understood and were ready to accept Soviet policies already known to us. (Averell

in American foreign policy
Bogdan Popa

The third chapter shifts from an investigation of eastern European Marxist materials to analyze the emergence of the concept of gender in US studies of sexuality. I show that the birth of gender is deeply entrenched in the anti-communist epistemology of the USA during the Cold War. I start from the premise that the birth of gender is historically connected

in De-centering queer theory
Kees van der Pijl

8 1 The global gamble of a new Cold War Malaysian Airlines Flight MH17 was brought down amid a new Cold War between the Atlantic bloc and Russia, and greatly exacerbated it. So understanding the tragedy also requires us to contextualise it in this wider confrontation pitting the liberal West against a loose contender bloc composed of several relatively disjointed parts. These include the Russian-​inspired Eurasian Union and at a further remove, the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, together comprising half the world’s population) and the

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
Philip M. Taylor

Chapter 24 Propaganda, Cold War and the Advent of the Television Age The ‘political re-education’ of Germany and her former wartime allies became but one element in the post-war struggle between east and west. Yet the notion that these hostile militaristic societies could be cleansed of their aggressive leanings did in a way reflect a new faith in the power of propaganda under another label. Denazification was propaganda to eradicate propaganda, an entire psychological programme to eliminate totalitarianism and militarism. One American propaganda film described

in Munitions of the Mind
Stanley R. Sloan

most. In this mix of continuity and change, the bargain has constantly evolved. More dramatic change came after the Cold War ended, but even in the 35 years between 1954 and 1989, a number of things changed. The allies, acting unilaterally in some cases and in concert in others, made conscious changes in and amendments to the bargain. Some of these changes were inspired by developments over which the allies had little control (such as the Soviet Union’s drive toward nuclear parity with the United States, calling into question NATO’s nuclear strategy), while

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Marika Sherwood

Why did the Cold War begin in the Gold Coast (today’s Ghana) in 1948? 1 As I recount in great detail in my book Kwame Nkrumah and the Dawn of the Cold War: The West African National Secretariat (1945–48) , it was because the ‘Western’ imperialist, capitalist powers wanted to stop, or at least control, the struggle for independence. But, as the Second World War had just ended, it would not have looked good to fight a ‘real’ war against the independistas , whether they were called that, or

in The Red and the Black
Philip M. Taylor

The New World Information Disorder 298 Chapter 26 Information-Age Conflict in the Post-Cold War Era The Gulf War was hailed as the ‘first information war’ partly because of the effective use of new technologies, especially satellites, computers and communications, in support of the war effort. The ability of the coalition to take successful ‘command and control’ of the battlefield, to achieve information and communications dominance while at the same time depriving the enemy of his eyes and ears, prompted claims that a Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) was

in Munitions of the Mind
Robert Giddings

at the back of his mind. Similarly, Ralph Thomas’s film of A Tale of Two Cities was released in the tense atmosphere of the Cold War. And it shows. Ten years previously the United Kingdom, France, Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands signed the Brussels Treaty, allying themselves against armed attack in Europe. Three days after the Treaty was signed, the USSR delegates walked out of the Allied

in British cinema of the 1950s
Kathryn Nash

to the AU was driven by forces within Africa and international pressure was not a determinant factor. This chapter discusses international peace and security developments in the 1990s to show that Africa was often developing new peace and security norms in tandem or ahead of international institutions. The purpose of this is to disprove arguments around the role of international pressure as well as arguments that place the transition as taking place predominantly during the post-Cold War period. In the case of the evolution of norms at the regional level in

in African peace