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Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force
Author: Jeremy Pressman

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.

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Some notes on ‘terror’
Chris Miller

the Arabs who had lived there since time immemorial’. 43 But it was not enough. The Zionists were glad to have their state recognized but had no intention of accepting its proposed dimensions. By 1947 they had developed a map of the Jewish state that ‘anticipated almost to the last dot pre-1967 Israel, i.e., Palestine without the West Bank and the Gaza Strip’. 44 The plan for implementing it was Plan Dalet (Plan D). It was based on a very detailed register of Palestinian villages. The plan’s prime mover was David Ben-Gurion, subsequently for many years

in ‘War on terror’
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Lorena De Vita

’s neighbours had declared war against it just a few hours after David Ben-Gurion, head of the Jewish Agency and first Prime Minister of Israel, announced its very foundation on 14 May 1948. The war effort left the Israeli economy in disarray. The situation was further complicated by the huge waves of mass immigration that characterised much of the first years of Israel’s existence. While in the run-up to the declaration of independence the immigrants were arriving in large numbers from Europe, either to escape Nazi persecution or after the liberation of the concentration

in Israelpolitik
Jeremy Pressman

opposed to rockets, armed resistance and any kind of fighting against Israel’.11 Decades earlier, Moshe Sharett had gone further and decried the connection between the use of force and escalation. So, Sharett explained, not only did force not make the situation better, it actually made it worse. At the time, Sharett was locked in a leadership struggle with David Ben-Gurion, the serving Israeli prime minister. When Ben-Gurion retired in 1953, 104 Sword.indb 104 25/03/2020 15:11:02 Force, insecurity, and failure Sharett became prime minister and lasted into 1955. Ben

in The sword is not enough
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

Israel, David Ben Gurion, argued that ‘there were no others’44 and ultimately that Palestine was the ideal choice for settlement.45 Yet it was the transformation of life on the ground that would have the most lasting impact, as land was bought by Zionists while more directly, groups such as the Haganah, Irgun and Stern Gang engaged in violence against Palestinian Arabs. After the establishment of the United Nations (UN), a partition plan for Palestine was approved by UN General Assembly Council Resolution 181 on 29 November 1947, which called for the partition of

in Houses built on sand
Israel as a role model in liberal thought
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

.99 per cent for any of the candidates. This in contrast to the governmental instability in Egypt, which is symbolized by the Free Officers’ Revolution, Abd al-Nasser’s and Sadat’s hold on power until the day they died and, similarly, Mubarak’s control over Egypt for thirty years without the Egyptian people’s realizing how to oust him. To Sanad, democracy is intrinsic to the Israeli DNA and was manifested in all its glory in the character of its first prime minister: David Ben Gurion, who is considered by many the founder of the State of Israel, and who was the one to

in Zionism in Arab discourses
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
Ami Pedahzur

replace the voluntary networks. The sovereignty, or ‘statehood’, orientation took root in this country. Its leading proponent was Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, who subscribed to the view that the satisfactory absorption of ‘Israelis’ immigrating from the numerous and varied countries of the Diaspora required a coalescence of the different sectors and the cultivation of a political–sovereign perception. According to this view, the State’s interests stand above all organisational interests or groups making up these bodies. 28 In operational terms, the ‘statehood

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Stefanie Wichhart

[Nasser] got a swelled head.’ Mollet brought out his well-thumbed copy of The Philosophy of the Revolution . ‘This is Nasser's Mein Kampf . If we're too stupid to read it, understand it and draw the obvious conclusions, then so much the worse for us.’ 35 Both British Prime Minister Anthony Eden and Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion shared this interpretation of Nasser's writings and viewed

in Comic empires
Hayyim Rothman

‘dedication to agricultural labour and Jewish renewal (Horrox 2009 , 31),’ and many former members of ha-Poel ha-Za’ir would go on to play important roles in Mapai — a Labor Zionist pary formed from its merger with Ahdut Haavodah under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion — Hofshi remained true to his mentor's original vision. Rising tensions between Jewish returnees and the local Arab population caused Hofshi to question the feasibility of living ‘year after year in an atmosphere of hatred, anxiety, the clash of weapons, endless gunfire and nightly

in No masters but God
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Living in the shadow
Ronit Lentin

the maltreatment of the Arabs by Jewish settlers, attributing it, as Tom Segev points out (2002: ix), to psychological causes: ‘They were slaves in their land of exile and suddenly they find they have unlimited freedom ... This sudden change has produced in their hearts an inclination towards repressive despotism, as always occurs when “the slave becomes king”.’ David Ben Gurion’s more militant Zionism won over the peace-oriented Brit Shalom, the group headed by the President of the Hebrew University J. L. Magnes and the liberal philosopher Martin Buber. However

in Co-memory and melancholia