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The decisions of 21 July 2011
Costas Simitis

120 Part III: Debt restructuring and power games agreed to the establishment of a technical assistance programme for Greece, and gave limited further discussion to the idea of economic governance and oversight of member states’ economic policy. It was a routine meeting and the scope of any progress was limited. In Greece its prescriptions were framed in terms of a small temporal allowance: ‘they are keeping us on life support, while at the same time they are asking us to implement an adjustment programme that is exceptionally difficult to carry out, in terms of

in The European debt crisis
Josef W. Konvitz

to crossborder risks; there is what to worry about. If these assumptions for Part III are unfounded, the future will show either that current trends and forecasts exaggerate risks, or that national governments demonstrate the capacity to cope with them when and where they occur. The remaining chapters are of the nature of “what if”: what are the implications for economic governance for cities if there are more, and more complex and potentially destructive crises; if a paradigm change in national policies to make cities safer does not come early enough; if national

in Cities and crisis
Sean W. Burges

the US as a strategic partner well disposed to Brazilian development. Castelo Branco’s successor as military president Artur da Costa e Silva consequently redirected his country’s foreign policy to something approximating the política externa independente. In a pattern that has parallels with the PT foreign policy of the 2000s, Brazil moved to a foreign policy of ‘resposible pragmatism’, becoming a Third World country pushing for structural changes in global economic governance and actively campaigning to head the Group of 77. Regional coordination efforts focused

in Brazil in the world
Open Access (free)
The bridge, the fund and insurance in Dar es Salaam
Irmelin Joelsson

the economic governance of Tanzanian social insurance schemes produces a tension between the collective hedging against various contingencies and the extractive aspects of investments and the returns on capital. Here the bridge, rather than hedging, protecting and securing, instead might institutionalise new architectures of risk through unexpected (material, political and ethical) effects. The fund is understood as a social security infrastructure. It operates as a policy assemblage performing a number of bureaucratic tasks. Its operations aim

in African cities and collaborative futures
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Janet Laible and Scott L. Greer

government to engage in contingency planning with measures ranging from preparations for stockpiling food and critical medical supplies to provisions for the deployment of the military in the event of the collapse of order. Contributors to this volume, then, have attempted to assess the consequences of Brexit for the Single Market and economic governance in the EU, on the legal order and social construction of the European Union, and on the future external orientation and institutional forms of the EU without knowledge of what the final stages of the Brexit process will

in The European Union after Brexit
Costas Simitis

10 An ‘all-encompassing plan’ to solve the crisis in the Eurozone? In the Eurozone, the more economically stable nations had begun efforts to develop a holistic and ‘all-encompassing plan’. At a meeting held on 17 January 2011, they examined a series of initiatives such as increasing EFSF funds, bringing forward the establishment of a permanent stability mechanism, reforming the Stability Pact and instituting common economic governance. Negotiations, however, did not produce any results. The European Council summit held at the beginning of February 2011 made

in The European debt crisis
State, market, and the Party in China’s financial reform
Author: Julian Gruin

Over more than thirty years of reform and opening, the Chinese Communist Party has pursued the gradual marketization of China’s economy alongside the preservation of a resiliently authoritarian political system, defying long-standing predictions that ‘transition’ to a market economy would catalyse deeper political transformation. In an era of deepening synergy between authoritarian politics and finance capitalism, Communists constructing capitalism offers a novel and important perspective on this central dilemma of contemporary Chinese development. This book challenges existing state–market paradigms of political economy and reveals the Eurocentric assumptions of liberal scepticism towards Chinese authoritarian resilience. It works with an alternative conceptual vocabulary for analysing the political economy of financial development as both the management and exploitation of socio-economic uncertainty. Drawing upon extensive fieldwork and over sixty interviews with policymakers, bankers, and former party and state officials, the book delves into the role of China’s state-owned banking system since 1989. It shows how political control over capital has been central to China’s experience of capitalist development, enabling both rapid economic growth whilst preserving macroeconomic and political stability. Communists constructing capitalism will be of academic interest to scholars and graduate students in the fields of Chinese studies, social studies of finance, and international and comparative political economy. Beyond academia, it will be essential reading for anyone interested in the evolution of Chinese capitalism and its implications for an increasingly central issue in contemporary global politics: the financial foundations of illiberal capitalism.

Karl Polanyi (1886–1964) returned to public discourse in the 1990s, when the Soviet Union imploded and globalization erupted. Best known for The Great Transformation, Polanyi’s wide-ranging thought anticipated twenty-first-century civilizational challenges of ecological collapse, social disintegration and international conflict, and warned that the unbridled domination of market capitalism would engender nationalist protective counter-movements. In Karl Polanyi and Twenty-First-Century Capitalism, Radhika Desai and Kari Polanyi Levitt bring together prominent and new thinkers in the field to extend the boundaries of our understanding of Polanyi's life and work. Kari Polanyi Levitt's opening essay situates Polanyi in the past century shaped by Keynes and Hayek, and explores how and why his ideas may shape the twenty-first century. Her analysis of his Bennington Lectures, which pre-dated and anticipated The Great Transformation, demonstrates how Central European his thought and chief concerns were. The next several contributions clarify, for the first time in Polanyi scholarship, the meaning of money as a fictitious commodity. Other contributions resolve difficulties in understanding the building blocks of Polanyi's thought: fictitious commodities, the double movement, the United States' exceptional development, the reality of society and socialism as freedom in a complex society. The volume culminates in explorations of how Polanyi has influenced, and can be used to develop, ideas in a number of fields, whether income inequality, world-systems theory or comparative political economy. Contributors: Fred Block, Michael Brie, Radhika Desai, Michael Hudson, Hannes Lacher, Kari Polanyi Levitt, Chikako Nakayama, Jamie Peck, Abraham Rotstein, Margaret Somers, Claus Thomasberger, Oscar Ugarteche Galarza.

Costas Simitis

achieving the long-discussed common economic governance but, even though an institution of common crisis management was indeed established, this was not the case. Dealing collectively with crises does not constitute a common fiscal policy nor a common economic policy; it does not create a coherent framework for common economic governance. The crisis had thus led to the establishment of a framework for regulation and support, in form of the EFSF, but the underlying causes of the turbulence had not been addressed. The members of the EU continued to maintain that strict

in The European debt crisis
Thomas Prosser

European economic governance to incorporate objectives related to growth. Certain authorities envisage an EU without the euro, Höpner states that ‘Europe would be better off without the Euro’ and commends the European monetary system of 1979–98 ( 2014 : 665), yet implementation difficulties mean that most favour reform of the euro. A number of strategies have been outlined; ideas such as Eurobonds, growth orientated monetary and fiscal policies and transfer payments to periphery countries are commonly suggested. The fortification of social integration, including the

in European labour movements in crisis