Search results

You are looking at 11 - 19 of 19 items for :

  • "English Catholics" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
John Herson

some for the Church. They were, however, subjected to a vigorously English Catholic education that demonstrates the partial validity of Mary Hickman’s argument that the English Catholic Church’s role was to ‘denationalise’ the Irish.64 The history of the Geoghegan family shows that the process could be generated actively within the family itself. The Irish in the shoe trade     259 The Geoghegan family’s shift in identity also resulted from the ability of its members to seize opportunities in the new economy. John Geoghegan followed his father into the engineering

in Divergent paths
Why they matter
Mary E. Daly

of this growing concern reflects a greater awareness of some of the more distressing aspects of emigration: English Catholic charities made Irish politicians and the Irish Catholic hierarchy fully aware of the numbers of single Irish women who travelled to England to give birth in search of anonymity, and these charities also made the Irish authorities fully aware of the costs of caring for these women and their infants.9 Another source of concern was the sharp fall in the numbers of women in rural Ireland: in 1951 there were 868 women per 1000 men, and the ‘flight

in Women and Irish diaspora identities
Charlotte Wildman

–1961: Newman, Hopkins, Belloc, Chesterton, Greene, Waugh (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2003); J. R. Lothian, The Making and Unmaking of the English Catholic Intellectual Community, 1910–1950 (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2009). 3 Writing in 2000, Don MacRaild criticised the history of the Irish diaspora in Britain for neglecting the spiritual aspect of Catholicism. D. M. MacRaild, ‘Introduction’, in D. M. MacRaild (ed.), The Great Famine and Beyond: Irish Migrants in Britain in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Dublin: Irish Academic Press

in Women and Irish diaspora identities
Abstract only
The families of craft, clerical and service workers
John Herson

class, especially its Catholic social side. Anne particularly threw herself into Church society, and during the 1880s she consistently turns up amongst the people organising Catholic soirées.71 186 Divergent paths Figure 7.4  Irish and English Catholic families in Stafford: Bernard Corcoran’s marriage to Kate Williams, 25 June 1896 (image courtesy of Sally Ann Harrison) Once they were grown up her children also became involved. The evidence is, therefore, that Anne was at the centre of this tight family. Her relationship with her children was probably stern but

in Divergent paths
Abstract only
Irish emigration and Stafford
John Herson

generally tolerant. Although Anglicans were numerically dominant, both the town and the district had a Dissenting presence that became stronger and more varied during the nineteenth century. More importantly for this study, the district had a tradition of Catholic recusancy. By 1754 there was a Mass centre in Stafford itself and by 1811 there were around 127 English Catholics in Stafford. By 1831 the total had nearly doubled, partly because more people openly proclaimed their faith after Catholic Emancipation in 1829.53 The fact that the faith had survived through the

in Divergent paths
John Herson

England or, in two cases, in Ireland. Without exhaustive searches and considerable luck it can be difficult to trace the origins of single Irish women forming partnerships with English men. In only five of the nine Stafford-born partnerships is it possible to identify unambiguous marriage evidence. The most interesting case is that of Mary O’Brien (or Bryan). Born in Waterford around 1801, she came to Stafford around 1830. On 27 September 1835 she married Charles Ilsley, a shoemaker, who came from an English Catholic family. His uncles were a schoolmaster and a priest

in Divergent paths
Michael O’Sullivan

Catholic, the educated mind takes its articles for granted, by a sort of implicit faith; where it is not, it simply ignores them and the whole subject-matter to which they relate, as not affecting social and political interests’ (1976:159). However, unlike English Catholics, the Irish Catholics in the 1850s lacked a university tradition and therefore may have been less ‘educated’ than Newman had imagined. Irish Catholics may have taken the basic truths of their faith for granted, but it is unlikely that they would have intellectually aligned them with ‘social and

in The humanities and the Irish university
Peter Murray and Maria Feeney

into disarray not only with regard to its attempts to add in a social development component but also in relation to its core pursuit of economic expansion. In August, with the actual performance of the economy substantially adrift of its targets, the Second Programme was abandoned about mid-​way through its projected lifespan. In the previous month, after about eight months in the post of ESRI director, McCarthy had been appointed president of UCC. McCarthy’s ESRI successor, announced in December, was to be Michael Fogarty, the English Catholic social scientist

in Church, state and social science in Ireland
Abstract only
D. A. J. MacPherson

involved at this early stage, by the mid-nineteenth century they were stalwarts of the English Order.5 From their roots in the north-west of England (where Frank Neal argues that the influx of poor ‘famine’ Irish migrants and the restoration of the English Catholic hierarchy in 1851 spurred growth in the Orange Order),6 women participated in English Orangeism far earlier than their Scottish or Canadian sisters. This lengthier involvement of women in the English Orange Order tells us much, then, about broader cultures of popular Protestantism and Toryism. While historians

in Women and the Orange Order