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history of Iceland, though possessing little importance in its relation to the political events of other nations, is nevertheless curious and interesting in many of its features.’ Despite the severities of the climate, the seclusion of the people, and the island’s literal marginalisation in European politics, the community there ‘has preserved, through the progress of nearly a thousand years, an enlightened system of internal policy, an exalted character in all religious and social duties, liberal methods of education, and the culture of even the more refined branches
restores a sense of the historicity of every image of colonial space: ‘The desert could not be claimed or owned – it was a piece of cloth carried by winds, never held down by stones, and given a hundred shifting names long before Canterbury existed, long before battles and treaties quilted Europe and the East’ ( EP , 138–9). Into the desert comes an unlikely band of European explorers, some drawn by the desire to indulge one last imperial fantasy of colonial space, others by the wish to escape the tragic burden of European political history. The
. Both Marx and Morgan Kavanagh were exiles from their own countries and, at that time, Soho was a melting pot of assorted European political refugees.87 Large houses were divided into smaller lodgings and rent was cheap. This is the likely reason why Marx came to be in that part of London. With little money, no security and a family to care for, he lived at 28 Dean Street from December 1850 until some time in 1856. 20 The politics of writing Soho was a poor area of London with appalling sanitary conditions.88 Conditions at 28 Dean Street were necessarily cramped
something else, to borrow Manning and Taylor’s term. If there are naturalistic understandings of them, if they can serve as ciphers for something else, the gods must even so be experienced as something irreducible to all that. Put another way, for something truly to be a god is for it not to be explicable or accountable in terms of something beyond or behind it, prior to it. In this vein, from the vantage point of the Indian subcontinent, Dipesh Chakrabarty has noted ‘the assumption in modern European political thought and social science that the social fact is prior to
gentry’, p. 47. 2 Carter, ‘Sound of silence’. 3 Kisby, ‘Music in European cities’, p. 82. 4 Strohm, ‘European politics’. 5
satirist, we can imagine that, with the 1596 installment of The Faerie Queene, Spenser found a balance between the caution of The Shepheardes Calender and the rashness of Complaints, a balance that Aristotle might describe as true courage. He intervenes into court politics with his allegorical defense of Walter Raleigh against the displeasure of the Queen at his secret marriage. He offers multiple opinions on European political and religious struggles with his allegorizations of the situations in France and the Netherlands. Most famously, he supports the justice of
desire. Thus the popularity of the Triumphs in sixteenth-century England provided a crucial element in the creation of the Elizabethan icon. It offered a vocabulary and a cluster of associations through which Elizabeth could be presented to her own subjects and to other European political figures as the Virgin Queen, but in a context resonant of military victory and masculine
… It hath a kinde of beast called Cama, or Anta, as bigge as an English beefe, and in greate plenty.68 Such Golden Age geographies were made available in the Discouerie and would continue to figure in English colonial publications for generations because Elizabeth and her successors were unwilling to bankroll in a sustained manner any initiatives regarding the founding of an Atlantic empire.69 Moreover, butchery and slaughter were recurring features of the Elizabethan participation in European politics, whether it was in Ireland, in the Low Countries, or in the