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The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Robert Gildea and Olga Manojlović Pintar

d’Aran, hoping to raise a revolt in Spain.7 After these attacks from abroad failed, the PCE under Santiago Carrillo decided to encourage guerrilla activity inside Spain. Many experienced fighters, veterans of the French resistance and members of the Communist Party, were sent to reinforce existing groups and to stir up the civilian population, especially peasants. The PCE leadership hoped to see an insurrection, which they envisioned along the lines of the last stages of the war in France.8 However, Carrillo and the PCE leadership were suspicious of transnational

in Fighters across frontiers
Kathryn Nash

After the fall of France to Germany, the French resistance, led by General Charles de Gaulle, depended on French colonial territories for manpower, resources, and ultimately legitimacy. Free French Africa spanned Chad, Cameroon, Congo-Brazzaville, Gabon, and Oubangui-Chari. 24 Brazzaville became the capital of legitimate France for the resistance, and it was from this African city that the French resistance was able to continue their campaign to liberate the French motherland and maintain their credibility with other Allied Powers. 25 When France was eventually

in African peace
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Robert Gildea and Ismee Tames

communists to the French resistance was now recognised, as was that of communist partisans in Yugoslavia.21 There were renewed attempts by historians after 1968 to demonstrate that resistance had been a European phenomenon. Jacques Delperrie de Bayac and Verle B. Johnston published works on the International Brigades.22 Henri Michel of the French Comité d’Histoire de la Deuxième GILDEA 9781526151247 PRINT.indd 8 05/10/2020 08:14 introduction 9 Guerre Mondiale, published La guerre de l’ombre: la résistance en Europe in 1970.23 A symposium on ‘Resistance in Europe

in Fighters across frontiers
Keith Rathbone

emphasise the pivotal role that athletes played in the French resistance movement, the Almanach highlighted successful resistance inside sporting associations. They transformed French stadiums, pools, and club houses into locations for clandestine meetings. Secret information and operational plans changed hands in the security of the locker room. 2 Of course, in 1944 the full extent of the French Resistance was unknown and the Almanach 's editors provided little evidence to back up

in Sport and physical culture in Occupied France
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Famine and the Western Front in Samuel Beckett’s Waiting for Godot
Matthew Schultz

country.’8 When Hitler invaded Poland on 1 September 1939, and both Britain and France declared war on Germany two days later, Beckett was visiting his mother in neutral Ireland. He returned to France the following day. According to biographer James Knowlson, ‘[Beckett] had followed the rise of Nazism in the 1930s with fascination, growing disgust, and, finally, horror,’9 and on 1 September 1941 he formally joined a non-combat arm of the French Resistance called Gloria SMH.10 In the Resistance, Beckett was involved in gathering intelligence. Specifically, he was

in Haunted historiographies
Border-crossing odyssey and comedy
Isolina Ballesteros

, ‘Costa-Gavras Seeks His Eden through Film’, Neos Kosmos (2009). 2 See video interview inside ‘Costa-Gavras on Being a Political Filmmaker’, Criterion : (accessed 21 August 2019). 3 Maya Jaggi, ‘French Resistance: Costa-Gavras’, The Guardian , 3 April 2009. 4 See Isolina Ballesteros, Immigration Cinema in the New Europe (Bristol and Chicago: Intellect and University of Chicago Press, 2015), pp. 175–203. 5 Costa-Gavras was born in 1933 in Greece. During the

in The films of Costa-Gavras
Passing performances in captivity
Juliette Pattinson

June 1944 following operation CADILLAC, the first daylight drop of arms, kept to her story that she was a local shorthand typist who had become involved with members of the regional Resistance group. Because Baseden was caught having a meal with her fellow Resistance comrades following the operation, rather than being captured at her wireless set, she was able to pass as a local Frenchwoman. The Gestapo were unaware that she was a wireless operator for some time: ‘I implied that I was just another French Resistance worker with a group of people and I was helping them

in Behind Enemy Lines
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Extradition, political offence exception and the French sanctuary
Emmanuel-Pierre Guittet

solution, transforming them into cheap foreign workers. 27 The work companies made of refugees and the internment camps played a central part in Vichy's attempt to control and expel political suspects. They were equally crucial though in the development of the French resistance, with numerous Spanish, Basque and Catalan refugees escaping and joining the ranks of the Free French Forces of General De Gaulle or the various segments of the French internal resistance, notably across the Pyrénées-Orientales region

in Counter-terror by proxy
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's government-in-exile in London) and Vichy (Petain's government in Vichy), made its situation, if not entirely distinct, at least an extreme version of what others went through in terms of internal battles’ ( 2008 : 2). This French identity crisis thus led to a fragmented society and a Franco-Français conflict, but the lines that divided society into two groups (resistants and collaborators) were not so clear-cut. The Franco-Français conflict meant that the Germans were not the only enemy to French resistance groups. Your identity was determined by the

in Reframing remembrance