In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
d’Aran, hoping to raise a revolt in Spain.7 After these attacks from abroad
failed, the PCE under Santiago Carrillo decided to encourage guerrilla
activity inside Spain. Many experienced fighters, veterans of the Frenchresistance and members of the Communist Party, were sent to reinforce
existing groups and to stir up the civilian population, especially peasants.
The PCE leadership hoped to see an insurrection, which they envisioned
along the lines of the last stages of the war in France.8 However, Carrillo
and the PCE leadership were suspicious of transnational
After the fall of France to Germany, the Frenchresistance, led by General Charles de Gaulle, depended on French colonial territories for manpower, resources, and ultimately legitimacy. Free French Africa spanned Chad, Cameroon, Congo-Brazzaville, Gabon, and Oubangui-Chari. 24 Brazzaville became the capital of legitimate France for the resistance, and it was from this African city that the Frenchresistance was able to continue their campaign to liberate the French motherland and maintain their credibility with other Allied Powers. 25 When France was eventually
communists to the Frenchresistance was now recognised, as
was that of communist partisans in Yugoslavia.21
There were renewed attempts by historians after 1968 to demonstrate
that resistance had been a European phenomenon. Jacques Delperrie
de Bayac and Verle B. Johnston published works on the International
Brigades.22 Henri Michel of the French Comité d’Histoire de la Deuxième
GILDEA 9781526151247 PRINT.indd 8
Guerre Mondiale, published La guerre de l’ombre: la résistance en Europe
in 1970.23 A symposium on ‘Resistance in Europe
emphasise the pivotal role that athletes played in the Frenchresistance movement, the Almanach highlighted successful resistance inside sporting associations. They transformed French stadiums, pools, and club houses into locations for clandestine meetings. Secret information and operational plans changed hands in the security of the locker room.
Of course, in 1944 the full extent of the FrenchResistance was unknown and the Almanach 's editors provided little evidence to back up
Famine and the Western Front in Samuel Beckett’s Waiting for Godot
country.’8 When Hitler invaded
Poland on 1 September 1939, and both Britain and France declared
war on Germany two days later, Beckett was visiting his mother in
neutral Ireland. He returned to France the following day. According
to biographer James Knowlson, ‘[Beckett] had followed the rise of
Nazism in the 1930s with fascination, growing disgust, and, finally,
horror,’9 and on 1 September 1941 he formally joined a non-combat
arm of the FrenchResistance called Gloria SMH.10
In the Resistance, Beckett was involved in gathering intelligence.
Specifically, he was
, ‘Costa-Gavras Seeks His Eden through Film’, Neos Kosmos (2009).
2 See video interview inside ‘Costa-Gavras on Being a Political Filmmaker’, Criterion : www.criterion.com/current/posts/3584-costa-gavras-on-political-filmmaking (accessed 21 August 2019).
3 Maya Jaggi, ‘FrenchResistance: Costa-Gavras’, The Guardian , 3 April 2009.
4 See Isolina Ballesteros, Immigration Cinema in the New Europe (Bristol and Chicago: Intellect and University of Chicago Press, 2015), pp. 175–203.
5 Costa-Gavras was born in 1933 in Greece. During the
June 1944 following operation CADILLAC, the first daylight drop of arms, kept to her story that she was a local shorthand typist who had become involved with members of the regional Resistance group. Because Baseden was caught having a meal with her fellow Resistance comrades following the operation, rather than being captured at her wireless set, she was able to pass as a local Frenchwoman. The Gestapo were unaware that she was a wireless operator for some time: ‘I implied that I was just another FrenchResistance worker with a group of people and I was helping them
Extradition, political offence exception and the French sanctuary
solution, transforming them into cheap foreign workers.
The work companies made of refugees and the internment camps played a central part in Vichy's attempt to control and expel political suspects. They were equally crucial though in the development of the Frenchresistance, with numerous Spanish, Basque and Catalan refugees escaping and joining the ranks of the Free French Forces of General De Gaulle or the various segments of the French internal resistance, notably across the Pyrénées-Orientales region
's government-in-exile in London) and Vichy (Petain's government in Vichy), made its situation, if not entirely distinct, at least an extreme version of what others went through in terms of internal battles’ ( 2008 : 2). This French identity crisis thus led to a fragmented society and a Franco-Français conflict, but the lines that divided society into two groups (resistants and collaborators) were not so clear-cut.
The Franco-Français conflict meant that the Germans were not the only enemy to Frenchresistance groups. Your identity was determined by the