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early 1960s an estimated five thousand to fifteen thousand (7 per cent of the white population) identified themselves as ‘Irish-Rhodesians’.5 Yet the continued existence of these ties could not disguise the underlying Irish distaste for the regimes’ denial of African rights. In 1956 Liam Cosgrave instructed the Irish delegation to vote in favour of a (mild) UN General Assembly resolution reprimanding South Africa for its apartheid system and another which called on that country’s government to report on its treatment of its population of Indian origin. Cosgrave
Studies 8 (2) (1997), 185–215. 11 UN General Assembly Resolution 181 (II), 29 November 1947. 12 CDF 890d.5045/10-647. 6 October 1947. 13 Ibid
, ratification and 50 CBOW in the twentieth century accession by General Assembly resolution 44/25 of 20 November 1989 (1996), www2.ohchr.org/english/law/crc.htm. (accessed 25.9. 2015). 126 ‘Geneva Declaration of the Rights of the Child’. 127 UN, ‘The Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, 1948 G.A.res. 217 (III), www. un.org/en/documents/udhr/. (accessed 2.1.2016). 128 UN, ‘Declaration of the Rights of the Child’, 1959. G.A. res. 1386 (XIV), 14 U.N. GAOR Supp. (no. 16) at 19, U.N. Doc. A/4354, www.humanium.org/en/childr ens
Convention on Human Rights. 46 See General Assembly Resolution 95(I) (1946) and the International Law Commission’s formulation of the Nuremberg Principles (1950). 47 See G. Robertson, Crimes Against Humanity (London: Penguin, 2000). 48 See D. Turns and C. Byron, ‘The preparatory commission for the international criminal court’, International and Comparative Law Quarterly, 50 (2001), 420–34. 49 H. Kelsen, ‘Will the judgment at Nuremberg constitute a precedent?’, International and Comparative Law Quarterly, 1 (1947), 153–71; G. Lawrence (President of the IMT), ‘The Nuremberg
views on the conduct of international affairs, Aiken used the debate as a further opportunity to remind the small states of the UN of their special duty to support the world body. ‘[H]ad it not been for the presence of the United Nations’, he argued, the crisis would have degenerated into ‘civil war backed by foreign intervention’.50 In spite of the accusations of pro-Western bias, he remained true to his commitments. On 14 April 1961 the Irish official Conor Cruise O’Brien voted in favour of a General Assembly resolution calling for Belgian withdrawal from the Congo
: a commitment to procedure and the hierarchy of the UN. Along with Sweden, the Irish delegation abstained on a General Assembly resolution of 4 May 1967 that created a UN Council to take over the administration of the Territory. Aiken was clear in his appraisal of the situation; on 19 May he told delegates that ‘the people of the territory can only be brought to freedom in the most peaceful and orderly manner if the Assembly resolves to place the responsibility where the authority and power belong – that is, on the Security Council and particularly on the permanent
were resolute in rejecting the requirement not to give assistance to the Cambodian refugees in Thailand. The final agreement reflected this position and was signed in September 1979 in a climate of increased tension due to the General Assembly resolution according to which the Cambodian government in exile, which the Khmer Rouge was part of, represented the country at the United Nations. 60 In the meantime, the NGO world had also mobilised through the setting up of a consortium of around forty European humanitarian agencies, 61 which was started by an
Vivir” [ 2017 ] Cadernos do CEAS: Revista crítica de humanidades 327 , 330 . 37 United Nations General Assembly, “Resolution 2625 (XXV). Declaration on Principles of International