early 1960s an estimated ﬁve thousand to ﬁfteen
thousand (7 per cent of the white population) identiﬁed themselves as
Yet the continued existence of these ties could not disguise the
underlying Irish distaste for the regimes’ denial of African rights. In
1956 Liam Cosgrave instructed the Irish delegation to vote in favour of
a (mild) UN GeneralAssemblyresolution reprimanding South Africa
for its apartheid system and another which called on that country’s
government to report on its treatment of its population of Indian origin.
Who are they? Experiences of children, mothers, families and post-conflict communities
, ratification and
CBOW in the twentieth century
accession by GeneralAssemblyresolution 44/25 of 20 November 1989 (1996),
www2.ohchr.org/english/law/crc.htm. (accessed 25.9. 2015).
126 ‘Geneva Declaration of the Rights of the Child’.
127 UN, ‘The Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, 1948 G.A.res. 217 (III), www.
un.org/en/documents/udhr/. (accessed 2.1.2016).
128 UN, ‘Declaration of the Rights of the Child’, 1959. G.A. res. 1386 (XIV), 14 U.N.
GAOR Supp. (no. 16) at 19, U.N. Doc. A/4354, www.humanium.org/en/childr
Convention on Human Rights.
46 See GeneralAssemblyResolution 95(I) (1946) and the International Law Commission’s formulation of the Nuremberg Principles (1950).
47 See G. Robertson, Crimes Against Humanity (London: Penguin, 2000).
48 See D. Turns and C. Byron, ‘The preparatory commission for the international
criminal court’, International and Comparative Law Quarterly, 50 (2001), 420–34.
49 H. Kelsen, ‘Will the judgment at Nuremberg constitute a precedent?’, International and Comparative Law Quarterly, 1 (1947), 153–71; G. Lawrence (President
of the IMT), ‘The Nuremberg
views on the conduct of international affairs, Aiken used the debate as a
further opportunity to remind the small states of the UN of their special
duty to support the world body. ‘[H]ad it not been for the presence of
the United Nations’, he argued, the crisis would have degenerated into
‘civil war backed by foreign intervention’.50 In spite of the accusations
of pro-Western bias, he remained true to his commitments. On 14 April
1961 the Irish ofﬁcial Conor Cruise O’Brien voted in favour of a GeneralAssemblyresolution calling for Belgian withdrawal from the Congo
Southern Africa, popular protest and foreign policy
: a commitment to procedure and the hierarchy of the UN. Along with Sweden,
the Irish delegation abstained on a GeneralAssemblyresolution of 4
May 1967 that created a UN Council to take over the administration
of the Territory. Aiken was clear in his appraisal of the situation; on
19 May he told delegates that ‘the people of the territory can only be
brought to freedom in the most peaceful and orderly manner if the
Assembly resolves to place the responsibility where the authority and
power belong – that is, on the Security Council and particularly on
were resolute in rejecting the requirement not to give assistance to the Cambodian refugees in Thailand. The final agreement reflected this position and was signed in September 1979 in a climate of increased tension due to the GeneralAssemblyresolution according to which the Cambodian government in exile, which the Khmer Rouge was part of, represented the country at the United Nations. 60
In the meantime, the NGO world had also mobilised through the setting up of a consortium of around forty European humanitarian agencies, 61 which was started by an