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.12 This narrative ignores the racial injustice entailed in the far greater damage being done by climate change to livelihoods in the Global South.13 In contrast to the internationalism of some advocates of a ‘green new deal’,14 it represents the emergence of a white supremacist approach to the question of who should be allowed to survive ecological catastrophe, a kind of eco-fascism.15 Following in the footsteps of other authors,16 I have tried to debunk some key myths about immigration and about the notion of a pure,17 native, ‘white’ working-class to whom
and households. We challenge political parties to respond to that demand, where possible by forming cross-party consensus. The time for change is now. The time to act is now. Introduction: a common-sense alternative In this report, we have presented a series of interlinked policies, including a basic income scheme; a Green New Deal; taking control of
about the crowding out effects of tax on investment or the deservingness of the mega-wealthy. The state has intervened through furloughing and other measures, and the old justifications for meritocracy are worn out. The Patriotic Millionaire movement – where rich individuals club together to encourage greater taxation of the wealthy – highlights the direction of travel in this regard. 8 This kind of revenue could help fund a Green New Deal in the style of President Biden's American Rescue Plan and American Jobs Plan
greater intervention of the TNP in their policy-making. This includes EP party manifestos that explicitly mention the EGP and have common policies (e.g. the ‘Green New Deal’ in 2009 and 2014). In 2012, the EGP started an audit of member parties, including checking their membership and financial status, and confirming that their programmes and statutes accord with the EGP's own (Emmott, 2012 ). In addition, the EGP is capable of applying disciplinary measures to parties that ‘fail to meet the specified membership criteria or other obligations’ (European Green Party
. Only the Treasury can direct those two economic measures towards ending our crises by deploying ‘people’s quantitative easing’ in the form of our social safety net and investing in the critical infrastructure around our Green New Deal transition to enable us to control energy prices over time. 20 This is why we need a Bank of England that serves as a direct
Beveridge and the 1945 welfare state, and Australia’s “reconstruction” under the Labor governments of the 1940s. However, the social democratic focus on social welfare is now combined with the need for climate action, a convergence made explicit in the various “green new deals” across the US, the EU, and China. 27 There is, therefore, a new, positive emphasis on state action
planetary boundaries, but many fewer capacities are produced. 23 Every reliance system processes energy and matter at different rates. Provisioning human freedoms while respecting planetary boundaries is extremely difficult. It is systemspecific, so to think about ecological solutions in terms of an abstract, broad, ‘new social contract’ is extremely difficult. Calls for a ‘new social contract’ are searching for a generalized politics which replicates a settlement between capital and labour but with ecological sensibilities, a ‘green new deal’. 24 The
contemporary world: the Green New Deal, a vision for combating climate change and economic inequality through a massive retrofit of energy and related systems, and Universal Basic Income, a set of proposals to provide a minimum salary to all persons. We also acknowledge the important and numerous limitations of the book, limitations which point the way towards future interventions in the development of the spatial contract as a framework. Seen together, this book offers three interlocking frameworks for a new politics of reliance systems. It is an intellectual
confirm the ability of states to intervene effectively, even if this involved the rescue of the rentier class rather than Keynes’s preferred euthanasia. More radical Keynesians insisted the responses were insufficiently Keynesian and denounced the rapidity of their abandonment for austerity as ‘madness’. The continuation of liberal policies, however, found powerful backers and a powerful rationale in class and international competition. Similarly, the environmental crisis saw powerful demands for ‘green Keynesianism’ or a ‘Green New Deal’, but these faced substantial
awareness and bringing to the surface inequalities and instances of social and ecological degradation, would become societal functions. As regards unions, they are for the most part married to the idea that a green form of capitalism is possible and desirable. Their proposals of a Green New Deal are underpinned by the notion that it is possible to drastically reduce CO 2 emissions while the economy grows