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Thomas Linehan

the city slums and the ‘multiplication of the unfit’ but also ‘the contamination of our British stocks’. 10 In a menacing twist to his depressing meditations on life in early postwar England, Thompson suggested that poison gases, so effective in time of war, were ‘the only practical solution yet presented for slum cities and their dysgenic masses’. 11 Many of these negative views of the city would be taken up at a later date by the Imperial Fascist League. Not surprisingly, the themes of biological retrogression and race deterioration surfaced in their writings

in British Fascism 1918-39
British fascism and artistic modernism
Thomas Linehan

believed it to be the antithesis of true art. The paintings of Chaim Soutine, the Russian-born French Expressionist and avant-gardist, for example, with their disturbing physical and psychological imagery, were stale with disease, decay and death, according to an Imperial Fascist League writer. 22 In the same vein, another IFL member remarked that the work of Jacob Epstein represented the ‘Cult of the Diseased’ in sculpture. 23 Indeed, the entire cultural output of the modern artist, according to the Mosleyite E. D. Randall, was ‘inanimate’, the bankrupt product of an

in British Fascism 1918-39
Thomas Linehan

ideas and biological determinist models contributed to the emergence of racial theories of anti-semitism. As Richard Thurlow noted, the theory of fixed inborn characteristics, or genetic endowment, was a feature of the crude racial philosophy of the Imperial Fascist League (IFL). According to Thurlow, Arnold Leese of the IFL was convinced that different groups of individuals had ‘fixed and immutable types of character’, which led him to the conclusion that race determined behaviour and cultural attainment. 44 This stress on the pre-determinedness of individual

in British Fascism 1918-39
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Paul Jackson

range of specialist book publishers. These include Steven Books , linked to the League of St George, which sells a wide range of books and pamphlets spanning texts related to the history of the Third Reich, to books about fascism movements and their leaders, to tracts on race theory, to reprints of magazines by British fascist groups like the Imperial Fascist League . Another outlet is

in Pride in prejudice
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Networks, methods and strategies
Janet Clark

Branch in relation to some cases of anti-Jewish behaviour. Neither was he impressed by the reported ‘absence of dissent’ when Jews were abused at Bethnal Green meetings. This was, he observed, ‘so much the worse. If the I.F.L. [Imperial Fascist League] are known to distribute labels like “Jews: public enemy No. 1”. Is not this an offence?’86 Game’s response fell short of the assurances that the Home Secretary wanted to see and he minuted his concerns: I have never answered Capt. Hudson, I think. Nor, I think, Mr Laski, KC – and I really don’t know what to say to them

in The National Council for Civil Liberties and the policing of interwar politics
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Constructing the city of memories
Tony Kushner

, the Imperial Fascist League, formed in 1928 and notable for its pro-Nazism and virulent racist antisemitism. Within its publications, allegations of Jewish ritual murder, past and present, were made regularly. 126 Leese acknowledged that some charges may have been trumped up ‘where death may have been due to causes other than ritual murder and the Jews blamed for it; but the case of St Hugh, particularly, was juridically decided, and the Close and Patent Rolls of the Realm record definitely cases at London, Winchester and Oxford. There seems no reason to doubt that

in Anglo-Jewry since 1066
Ulrike Ehret

overture to an increasingly pro-fascist and the more moderate members of the League eventually left after Chesterton’s death in 1936.173 For the time being, fascist sympathies remained limited to an adulation of Mussolini as the one who had implemented Distributist ideals and revived Rome as the citadel of Christianity.174 The homegrown fascism of the British Union of Fascists (BUF) and the Imperial Fascist League was still viewed with caution. Distributists were impressed by the BUF’s activism and suggested that British fascists might come to see themselves as

in Church, nation and race
Mark Pitchford

Publishing Society. P. J. Ridout, founder of the extreme-right British Empire Party that contested one seat in the 1951 General Election, was also a former member of the pre-war Imperial Fascist League. Nor was the LEL’s connection with the pre-war extreme right limited to these individuals. Historians have depicted members of the LEL as Colonel Blimp types determined to preserve a fast-disappearing world who gingered up the Conservative Party into preserving the Empire. The cartoonist David Low created Colonel Blimp as a symbol of foolish, reactionary right

in The Conservative Party and the extreme right 1945–75
Police and Home Office responses
Janet Clark

organisation’.4 The Imperial Fascist League claimed to be ‘rather grateful to the Home Secretary’ for saving its members the expense of uniforms worn to compete with other groups.5 Fenner Brockway claimed that the red shirt worn by Independent Labour Party members was for rambles, sport and weekend outings and was not political.6 The BUF wanted a test case and argued that a black shirt worn with a tie under an overcoat did not contravene the terms of the Act.7 Game did not care to enter into dialogue on the matter with the BUF, especially as his legal advice considered that

in The National Council for Civil Liberties and the policing of interwar politics
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Elisabeth Carter

Fascist League. They were concerned above all with the racial purity of Britain and warned against the degeneration of the British race brought about by ethnic cross-breeding (Thurlow, 1998: 265–6). They were also distinctively anti-Semitic. Despite some change in direction when Nick Griffin and Joe Pierce took control of the NF in 1983, this type of racism still characterizes the party’s inner core, although publicly the repatriation of blacks on the grounds of non-assimilation is emphasized (Husbands, 1988a: 71–2). The BNP also adheres to classical racism. This

in The extreme right in Western Europe