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’s attempts to reform Catholicism included eliminating private, home-based masses altogether. According to Cullen and some of his allies, holding the sacraments outside of the chapel represented problems for a Church whose goals included containing and controlling parishioners, enforcing priestly and male domination, and moulding devotion into a mechanism for peace and order. Particularly troubling to the institutional Church was the practice of confessions at the stations. Beginning in the late the holy household 159 nineteenth century, as the legislation of the Synod
historically embraced and propagated a patriarchal Catholicism. They supported and collaborated with the male institutional power of the Holy See, and their own local ecclesiastical hierarchy. Historian Phil Kilroy writes of the institutional church ‘colonizing’ women religious: religious communities were ‘offered security on condition of submission and cooperation. If women religious complied they were rewarded, given status, and they were expected to execute all the policies of the colonizer. If they objected they were silenced or cast out, certainly side-lined.’ 15
and Passion would be spent ‘living’ their rule and constitutions. Further changes could be recommended by the congregation, and once these were approved, the congregation would receive juridic status. The rule and constitutions were an important source of authority for congregations and women religious. It was the rule and constitution that women religious first turned to in a dispute with a local bishop. The authority to act with or react against official representatives of the institutional church, be it a bishop or a member of the clergy, was found in the
worship in Canada was, for instance, much influenced by the New England tradition of seasonal fasts and thanksgivings. 43 Another significant development, one that encouraged the further proliferation of special acts of worship, was that churches increasingly took responsibility for ‘national’ worship and appointed special days and prayers on their own authority. This, the book suggests, reveals much about the public status of institutional churches in the colonies. Significance While little has been written
influenced this attraction.97 A moral and devotional culture fired up by Christian evangelism flourished in nineteenth-century England. Women were an integral part of this culture and an important part of this renewed growth of institutional churches. Their evangelicalism was tangible and extended outside the home. Benevolence became more than just a moral obligation. For many women, it was a mission to spread their own middleclass ideological values of moral fervour, social piety and other virtues associated with womanhood and family life. These women came in many forms
acknowledge the social movements within denominational Christianity, reflecting the tensions between those who favoured holding on to the traditions of their Church and others who were anxious to make ‘progressive’ changes. 6 Historian Hugh McLeod has outlined the complexities of the ‘religious crisis’ of the 1960s within the secularisation debates that have garnered more historical attention than the changes in the practices of institutional church life. 7 The post-secular view of Catholic Nuns and Sisters in a Secular Age acknowledges secularisation, but examines the
she influenced the boundaries of female religious life in British congregations and orders from the 1940s to the 1960s. It identifies the predominant themes developed by the cultural trope of the Modern Girl, which reflected certain orthodoxies regarding perceived social and moral swings and then demonstrates how these were incorporated within the Catholic discourse of youth culture in general, but more particularly the Catholic Modern Girl. It interrogates how the institutional church along with female religious congregations and orders reacted to this discourse