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Abstract only
Geoffrey K. Roberts

transfer of sovereignty from the Federal Republic to international organisations, including those which serve international security. Article 23 provides a constitutional basis for Germany’s membership of the EU, including the right of the Bundestag to pass laws transferring sovereignty to the EU with the consent of the Bundesrat. It requires the EU to operate broadly in conformity with the principles of civic rights contained in the Basic Law. The rights of the Bundestag, the Bundesrat and the Länder in relation to EU legislation and decision-making are protected by

in German politics today (third edition)
Abstract only
The Anglosphere, England and the Brexit referendum
Ben Wellings

, Ted Cruz and Mark Rubio suggested otherwise. Ted Cruz argued in response as follows: Instead of standing with our allies President Obama routinely hurls insults at them. Sadly, it happened in London last Friday, when the President of the United States informed the British people they would be at the “back of the queue” for a US–UK free trade deal if they dared to vote to leave the EU on June 23. This was nothing less than a slap in the face of British self-determination as the president, typically, elevated an international organisation over the

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere
The key to autonomy
Nigel D. White

collection of subjects of international law (member states) with their own legal personalities, individual rights and duties, powers and liabilities, but with no rights, duties etc. appertaining to the entity established by them. It is only after establishing that the IGO itself has international legal personality that it is possible to discuss the rights, duties, powers and liabilities of the international organisation per se. Organisations without personality – the groupings of states known as the G7/8 and G20, for instance – can be said to have a separate existence but

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Silvia Salvatici

, impartiality and independence that had been clearly stated a few years earlier in the document approved by the XX International Conference of the Red Cross movement, the culmination of a long internal debate following the events of the Holocaust. 35 However, the strength the Committee could have exercised in the conduct of the negotiations was undermined in the first place by its loss of authority in the new constellation of international organisations that had developed since the Second World War. Forced after 1945 to accept a considerable reduction in budget and staff

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
Geoffrey K. Roberts

existing borders, points that had been covered also in the Moscow Treaty between the Federal Republic and the USSR in 1970. It regulated a variety of other matters, such as the free access of journalists from one German state within the territory of the other, and enabled both German states to join international organisations such as the United Nations Organisation. The Federal Republic ensured in annexes to the agreement itself that its own fundamental position concerning eventual reunification of the two parts of Germany was preserved. This Basic Agreement and its

in German politics today (third edition)
Abstract only
A ‘normal’ democracy?
Geoffrey K. Roberts

/Middle Germany group. In total, these had no more than about 400 members. 10 In 2000, the German affiliate of the international organisation Blood and Honour, and its youth organisation, White Youth, were banned. They were associated especially with skinhead right-wing extremist concerts (Backes, 2001 , pp. 122–3). Several Islamic groups, such as Kalifatsstaat (which sought to introduce an Islamic state under Sharia law in Germany, and agitated against Israel and Turkey and was banned in 2001), and Turkish organisations (such as the Turkish Liberation Front, banned in 1998

in German politics today (third edition)
Silvia Salvatici

elderly welfare officer Katie met in Mannheim an exception: the British were widely represented on the staff of the new international organisation, which comprised solely Anglo-Saxons for around two years. 30 Writing many years after the events, it was still important for Louchheim to emphasise the internationalist spirit that characterised the staff of the first UN agency. The press officer’s memoirs re-echo the organisation’s insistence on the fact that wearing the UNRRA uniform meant forgetting they were ‘nationals of their homeland’ and putting themselves at the

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
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English nationalism, Euroscepticism and the Anglosphere
Ben Wellings

English-speaking nations, ‘congealed into a movement’ (Lloyd, 2000 ). The Anglosphere idea represented a push for a realignment of global and domestic politics (and occasionally an international organisation), to be grounded in the history, culture and institutions that many Eurosceptics and especially Brexiteers believe make Britain different from the Continent (Nedergaard and Friis Henriksen, 2018 ). As John Laughland explained, the Anglosphere is ‘united by an attachment to individualism, the rule of law … and the elevation of freedom’, with the

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere
Shane Kilcommins, Susan Leahy, Kathleen Moore Walsh, and Eimear Spain

: 477–8). Ireland is a member of all three of these international organisations which all have recognised that crime victims have human rights that must be protected by member states. The recognition that crime victims have human rights was first reflected in the seminal 1985 UN Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power. The Declaration was a continuation of the Sixth UN Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, which recommended that the UN continue to work on the development of guidelines and

in The victim in the Irish criminal process
Nigel D. White

-forcible measures. It follows that IGO decisions must be viewed by the membership as legitimate (a combination of utility, justness and legality) in order to ensure compliance. 23 Other IGOs appear to be based on agreements that are contractual. At the time of agreeing upon the creation of any international organisation, states are sitting down together and making a deal in a contractual sense. However, in many instances the entity created by that contract takes on something of a life of its own, acting independently of the states. The founding states’ maximum control over the

in The law of international organisations (third edition)