In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
US military forces. 56 The economic sanctions placed on Iraq at the end of the war have had particularly bad effects on Iraqi women. 57 In other contexts, economic globalisation and the restructuring policies of the international monetary institutions may be implicated in the creation of security crises. 58 The premise of both security traditionalists and progressives, that
opportunity to gain freedoms and to enjoy new status. 54 Women’s active participation in nationalist and revolutionary struggles has sometimes facilitated their subsequent assertion of political and social rights. 55 For example, the Iraqi Women’s Federation played an important role during the Iran–Iraq war in helping Iraqi women to exercise their roles in all walks of life and
which it is moralised in the public imagination, such as narratives that it will ‘liberate’ Afghan and Iraqi citizens, and the USA's co-option of feminist rhetoric about the oppression of Afghan and Iraqi women. 73 This philanthropic framing of warfare constitutes another pillar of the military-industrial complex, as privatised humanitarian projects abdicate the state of responsibility for recovery schemes both domestically and internationally. Invictus can be analysed through these concomitant
Figures sourced from: http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/issues/women/wom eninpk.shtml. 5 Jacqueline Siapno (2008) has reported that gender sensitivity within PNTL remains poor, particularly noting sexual harassment within PNTL and the existence of ‘glass ceilings’ for women within Timor-Leste’s security sector. References Al-Ali, N. and N. Pratt. 2009. “The United States, the Iraqi Women’s Diaspora and Women’s ‘Empowerment’ in Iraq.” In Women and War in the Middle East, edited by N. Al-Ali and N. Pratt, 65–98. New York: Zed Books. Alves, D. 2010. “Domingas Micato
that sought permission from the Algerian provisional government (GPRA) for Iraqi women to engage in the ranks of the ALN; see also Seferdjeli, ‘Fight With Us’, 184–6 on conferences in Vietnam, Albania, Conakry, Bamako and elsewhere. SHAT 1585/3*, SEDECE report, 31 May 1961. Rahal was secretary to the Bureau fédéral de l’Organisation Scouts Musulmane in Rabat. Meynier, Histoire intérieure, 231. See chapter 2 where the commander of the Operation Pilot had remarked as early as 24 February 1957, that ‘The central idea [of Servier] must be the freeing of the masses from
because the brain stem remained intact. Even small, relatively harmless-looking external bullet holes to the abdomen would reveal extensive internal damage to the bowel, bladder, stomach, liver, and spleen. It was a horrible, gruesome, and heart-wrenching sight. We received and treated all those who had become a casualty of this war: American fighting men, Iraqi soldiers, and the innocent Iraqi women and children who were at the wrong place at the wrong time. Their screams of excruciating pain filled the air, and the stench of destroyed flesh and death was revolting as