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The break-up of a party confederation
Nicolas Sauger

more to the right, DL was notably one of the groups where Millon’s network in the shape of La Droite had more success.11 Conversely, New UDF found itself in a centrist position, which allowed it to win the Rhône-Alpes regional presidency, thanks to Socialist support. Nevertheless, the FN split in 1999, which destroyed most of its coalition potential,12 and Jacques Chirac’s continued opposition to any alliance, prevented this new cleavage from becoming entrenched. On the other hand, New UDF itself became more entrenched in the centre in broadening its catchment area

in The French party system
A child of the Kosovo crisis?
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

as the most determined to see the WEU develop real operational capabilities and roles; to the detriment, some suspected, of NATO itself. A developing France-NATO rapprochement , begun under Mitterrand but especially evident from 1995 under his successor Jacques Chirac, thus had the consequence of helping to ensure that momentum was lost in the operational development of the WEU. 19 This is not to say that the WEU was simply

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Marcel H. Van Herpen

from the Thyssen company which sold forty-six tanks to Saudi Arabia. For this transaction Thyssen needed a suspension of export control limitations. Thyssen paid DM 1 million in cash into CDU secret accounts. Illegal party financing is at the heart of many corruption scandals in which politicians are involved. This includes cases of employing civil servants who, although paid from public funds, in fact work for the party – as was the case with Jacques Chirac when he was mayor of Paris. In a verdict passed in 2011 Chirac was declared guilty of having employed

in The end of populism
Abstract only
Eminence grise for African affairs
Jean-Pierre Bat

definitively closed, the functions of adviser for African Affairs remained intact, under the President’s personal control. René Journiac, a former deputy of Foccart’s, was chosen by President Giscard d’Estaing to be his special adviser for Africa.28 The ‘Africa cell’ appeared to be the main political legacy of Foccart’s ‘matrix’. Though Foccart had left the Elysée, he remained connected to his influential African friends, whom he tried to rally to his new political battle: the revival of Gaullism with Jacques Chirac and his party, the Rassemblement pour la République (RPR

in Francophone Africa at fifty
Robert W. Lewis

spaces in France and anticipated significant future shifts that were all a constitutive part of postwar 188 188 The stadium century changes as a whole. It also confirmed a new consensus over the political, symbolic and practical utility of the stadium itself. In Paris, the city finally followed the lead of provincial cities like Saint-​Etienne, Lens and Nantes, who had been actively funding their local professional football teams since the 1950s, if not before. Paris began to financially support PSG in the 1970s, particularly after Jacques Chirac became the city

in The stadium century
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Reading the Second World War in children’s crime fiction of the 1990s and 2000s
Claire Gorrara

•  5  • Mobilising memory: reading the Second  World War in children’s crime fiction of the  1990s and 2000s The 1990s and 2000s in France saw a number of memorial taboos surrounding the Second World War publicly overturned. The most symbolic  of these acts occurred during the speech delivered by newly elected President JacquesChirac on 16 July 1995 to mark the fifty-third anniversary  of the rafle du Vélodrome d’Hiver. For the first time in national history,  a French head of state officially acknowledged the active support of the  Vichy regime and its agents

in French crime fiction and the Second World War
The referendums on the European Constitution
Matt Qvortrup

Gary's G4:Users:Gary:Public:Gar Case studies seems more plausible. Indeed, the Spanish referendum is an almost paradigmatic example of this. Further, as regards France, one could argue that the long-serving Chirac Government was one of the reasons for the No vote. Elected in 1995 and re-elected in 2002 (without much enthusiasm!), Chirac’s Government was politically a lame political duck, who was seen as a liability. As the Financial Times (31 May 2005) wrote: It is difficult to recall anything positive about Jacques Chirac’s 10 years in Office. Mr Chirac occupies

in The politics of participation
Annabelle Littoz-Monnet

treated differently in the context of the international trade rules. In his speech at the Symposium for a Europe of Culture in May 2005, Jacques Chirac clearly expressed the rationale upon which the ‘dirigiste’ or ‘cultural’ view is based: Over the last decade, France and Europe together have fought unremittingly for the cultural exception, borne by their firm belief that the World Trade Organization [WTO] and the trade discussions that take place there are not the right forum for dealing with issues related to cultural exchange. Those working in culture, particularly

in The European Union and culture
Abstract only
Eglantine Staunton

presidency: for instance, as shown in more detail in the Appendix, François Mitterrand had seven different prime ministers and four ministers of foreign affairs; Jacques Chirac had four prime ministers and five ministers of foreign affairs; Nicolas Sarkozy had one prime minister and three ministers of foreign affairs; and Hollande had two prime ministers and two ministers of foreign affairs. Each minister came with their own advisors. Consequently, this book specifies as far as possible which members of the executive it is referring to and pays particular attention to the

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Paul Kennedy

people a pro-­European option. That option represents the recognition of what France and Germany represent as the Union’s driving forces and of our wish to be close. For me, there is no new and old Europe, just a united Europe. (El País, 29 April 2004: 16) In Paris, the French President, Jacques Chirac, announced the creation of a new Berlin–Paris–Madrid axis, whilst Rodríguez Zapatero expressed his wish to return to the heart of the construction of Europe. In its manifesto for the elections for the European Parliament in June 2004 the PSOE further underlined its pro

in The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain