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) and Grenfell (right) outside their tent at Bacchias in the Faiyum. The Oxford Dioscuri, as they were renamed, were indeed given money that year and carried on the publication of the fragments. Grenfell, in particular, established a close collaboration with Henry Guppy, Head Librarian of the Rylands, and acquired papyrus fragments for the Library for the following twenty years. Acquisitions were also made through the agency of other scholars active on the Egyptian antiquities market at the time
Hotels in Luxor, like those in Cairo, were used as informal meeting spaces among friends and colleagues and for meeting crews as they came into the country. They were also used by new and aspiring Egyptologists who were looking for patrons or excavators. Hotels therefore played a central role in the creation of the intellectual landscape here, in that they created the roster of scholars, artists, and archaeologists who were allowed to participate in the discipline. Obviously, membership in this exclusive club was restricted to those who had enough time and money to get
into the school. Picard characterised the French School’s support of Salač’s Samothraki excavations as ‘scientific liberalism’.48 To the French Ministry of Education, he wrote, ‘[a] good future is expected from this enterprise, which, in principle, renews that of Asine (1922).’49 Picard was referring to the excavations of Salač’s Foreign Section colleague, the Swedish archaeologist Axel W. Persson (1888–1951), at Asine. In the Národní listy Salač reported: ‘[T]hough we had very little money at our disposal’ – a persistent motif in Salač’s research – ‘we obtained
eyeglasses with faceted lenses, cut from crystal and mounted in gilded metal frames, devices that multiply an object’s view as the saying went at the time: ‘These are pleasurable spectacles for avaricious persons that love Gold and Silver, for one piece will seem many, or one heap of money will seem a treasury’ (Stafford and Terpak, 2001: 185). These particular lenses influenced a type of optical painting that could be viewed through a special perspective glass; here the image didn’t just proliferate but instead the broken elements of the scene would realign into a
’s emotion, anxiousness, and general untrustworthiness; 69 thus tip money ( ‘bakhshish’ ) is the incentive that ‘stimulates discovery’. 70 Contradictions are inherent here. Deriding one transactional relationship, he espouses another. Despite Petrie’s projection of a meticulous, methodical approach, he himself cherry-picked from the site and prized mummies that gave a return: ‘I opened some dozens of shafts but only one repaid the work’. 71 Graeco-Roman mummies with any form of decoration made up only around two per cent of
routes would have provided the tower house occupant with an additional, or perhaps primary, income through the levying of tolls for the use of ‘his’ routeway. Adherence was enforced by the might of the defensive-appearing structure itself. There was often overlap between the different means of broaching the nodal point: bridges in disrepair could be replaced temporarily with ferries, which were more easily tolled than bridges from a legal standpoint, until enough money had been raised to reinstate the bridge (Cooper, 2006 ). A problem with historical ferry
of very great or infinite value. The idea behind the wording is that heritage, like that which is sacred, belongs to a sphere of its own, independent of the market and of economics. So heritage neither can nor should be valued in money, or indeed measured in relation to anything else at all. And still, paradoxically, heritage is valued all the time – and converted into money. As a rule, heritage is preserved with reference to its values, and value is a concept drawn precisely from the economic sphere. Valuations and values are therefore crucial to the selection
them and state both your wishes… one of Mr H’s is promised to the National Gallery. I hope a couple more will go from Mr. Haworth.’ In August 1888 Amelia replied ‘I should think both Mr Haworth and Mr Kennard will gladly give to the National Gallery – though I think Owens College Museum in Manchester should have one portrait specimen, considering it has just started and that all Mr. H’s money has been made in Manchester, don’t you?’ 93 The Egyptian Hall exhibition was well attended, with the likes of orientalist
goes on to consider how many tower houses facilitated movement and connections along water-based routes. It is not hard to understand why control of other money-making resources was essential to tower house occupants. For example, according to the Civil survey for northern and western Tipperary there was often at least one tower house per parish, with the land held by more than one person in the majority of cases. With so small an area to support a tower house and its inhabitants, it is of no surprise that other income-generating resources
it appeared. Norman W. Brown thought that his own present was in a state of sickness on account of civilisation, money, urbanisation, and capitalism (Brown 1959 : 234ff). Claude Lévi-Strauss took the view that modern society creates social classes and human exploitation (Lévi-Strauss 1966 : 121f). Fred Davis described modern society as characterised by discontinuity and problems (Davis 1979 : 97ff). Donald Horne took the view that modernity had caused a crisis (Horne 1984 : 21ff). Andreas Huyssen criticised the media and described his present as chaotic