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Abstract only
Andrew Monaghan

in an integrated way are what has characterised the Russian leadership's approach since the early to mid 2000s, in an active effort to shape events. This is shown best by the way that Moscow is investing heavily in a number of major strategic projects – the Northern Sea Route (NSR) being the most obvious example, but also more broadly in terms of infrastructure. Certainly, there are problems in this process, and undoubtedly Moscow has to respond to changing and unexpected developments, as any strategist must. But the emergence of an interactive, competitive

in Russian Grand Strategy in the era of global power competition
Should we care?
Clive Johnstone

come from many locations – perhaps at the same time. The need to be looking for indicators everywhere is critical – a “360 approach”, if we are to be colloquial. Successful balance, posture, and messaging depends on it. And these are also questions the Russian Navy must face. The development of the High North, and particularly the opening up of the Northern Sea Route, is a priority for Moscow. But what does this mean for the Russian Navy? And how does that navy cope with the evolving twenty

in The sea in Russian strategy
Open Access (free)
Geir Hønneland
and
Anne-Kristin Jørgensen

discussed further towards the end of the section. In 1959, the Soviet Union’s first nuclear-powered icebreaker – the Lenin – was stationed in Murmansk. Over the following years, a whole fleet of nuclear icebreakers was built.2 The main task of the icebreakers was to escort vessels navigating the Northern Sea Route (i.e. the Northeast Passage), which stretches along the northern shores of the Eurasian continent from the Barents to the Bering Sea. Thus, the icebreaker fleet played an important role – and to some extent still does – in securing the severnyy zavoz, i.e. the

in Implementing international environmental agreements in Russia
Economic interests and capabilities
Richard Connolly

could not be afforded. This situation is changing. The sea is rising in importance in Russia’s overall grand strategy. As far as interests are concerned, Russia is becoming increasingly focused on the development of its considerable Arctic natural resource base and in facilitating the expansion of the Northern Sea Route (NSR). The focus on the sea will intensify in future as Russia’s onshore natural resource base is depleted and liquefied natural gas (LNG) and oil exports from the Arctic become more important

in The sea in Russian strategy
Open Access (free)
Geir Hønneland
and
Anne-Kristin Jørgensen

times during the period 2005–15 (Bond and Levine 2001). The metallurgical operations of Pechenganickel take place at the company’s plant at Nikel. The plant processes ore concentrates from the mines near Zapolyarnyy and raw materials shipped over the Northern Sea Route (see Figure 6.1) from Norilsk. These shipments started in the late 1968s when local ores began to decline. During the Soviet era, Norilsk Nickel shipped approximately one million tonnes of ore from Siberia to its Kola facilities every year (Kotov and Nikitina 1998b). The shift to a market economy has

in Implementing international environmental agreements in Russia
Andrew Lambert

resisting the rise of imperial Germany. In the event, Denmark refused to be in the firing line for a third Battle of Copenhagen, but the Treaty of Björkö remains deeply significant. 18 The treaty emphasised Russia’s preference for access denial and closed seas as the most effective method of preventing or reducing the strategic impact of maritime power on the state. The legal regime in place for the Northern Sea Route is the obvious contemporary example of this approach. Russia, like other continental powers, has

in The sea in Russian strategy
Abstract only
,

. That dispute was circumvented in 1988 by means of the bilateral Agreement on Arctic Co-operation which obliges the United States to obtain Canadian consent for voyages of US ice-breakers through the Passage while expressly preserving the views and rights of both parties on the question. 7 Somewhat similar doubts arise in relation to the Northeast Passage and the Northern Sea Route north of Russia. 8

in The law of the sea
Cameron Ross

governments and 15 other agreements dealing with a variety of issues, such as ‘economic control, budget relations, the mining industry, the fuel and energy industry, the northern sea route, external relations, agriculture, communications, customs, immigration, roads, education, environment and natural resources, and federal development funds’.43 In 1995 Sakha received the colossal sum of 1.3 milliard US dollars for the sale of its diamonds. A sum which was not less than the official budget income of the republic.44 In 1996 the bilateral treaties were widened to include

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Abstract only
Andrew Monaghan

answers. How the contest between the Euro-Atlantic community and Russia evolves and what are the possible shifts in the Russian political landscape through the mid-2020s are only the most prominent and obvious. But there are others – to what extent can shifts in the political landscape lead to real, substantive change? Would a different leader change Moscow’s intent to develop the Northern Sea Route, for

in The new politics of Russia
Abstract only
Living, working, and thinking in a melting world
Sverker Sörlin
and
Klaus Dodds

and loss of power and control among those who are adversely affected by its melting and exploitation. Further evidence can be found in the chapter by Julia Lajus and Ruth McLennan who explore Soviet era museum representations of ice conquest. A half century after the imperial glaciology in Central Asia, the Soviet state set up grand research institutes and launched ice breakers and airborne research teams into the high Arctic. This was part of a strategic and economic agenda to establish the Northern Sea Route, but it was also part of a propaganda industry to build

in Ice humanities