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consecutive European Cups from 1956 (Alegi, 2010 ; Fridy and Brobbey, 2009 ). Furthermore, in a gesture bristling with pan-African symbolism and evidence of the President's belief that football was a positive means of demonstrating Africa's potential, the Ghanaian national team adopted the sobriquet ‘Black Stars’, a reference to Marcus Garvey's famous shipping line (Darby, 2010 ). During that same period the Black Stars went on a European tour, playing matches in Germany, Austria, Russia and England in 1962, and Spain and Italy the following year
IFRC's Pan-African Conference (Oxford: Refugee Studies Centre). Horst , C. ( 2006 ), Transnational Nomads: How Somalis cope with Refugee Life in the Dadaab Camps of Kenya ( Oxford : Berghahn ). Hyndman , J. ( 2000 ), Managing Displacement: Refugees and the Politics of Humanitarianism ( Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press
interlocking practices of racism and social class. It was also through education that women activists across generations asserted their right to knowledge, and their ability to create it. In short, education and the struggle over knowledge are central to the pursuit of social change. In many ways, these histories can be told through the various adult education initiatives that emerged out of, and spurred on, the struggles for social change that pattern Britain’s social and cultural history. Certainly, Britain’s numerous social movements – socialism, Chartism, Pan-Africanism
‘immunity’ but conversely sensitivity to loss and awareness of vulnerability. Where Butler argues we need to recognise the humanity of the ‘other’ in terms of their vulnerability and loss, this should also be recognised in terms of their courage and strength to move forward and find strategies for working with what is at hand. In another example, Scheper-Hughes (2008) draws upon the experiences of young African National Congress (ANC) and Pan African Congress (PAC) militants to argue that rather than seeing themselves as ‘victims’ of violence, they claim to be ‘victors
Africa does not possess the soft power resources of appealing and legitimately perceived power, values and moral authority required for consensual hegemony.12 To complicate matters further, the country’s foreign policy ambitions are also frustrated by tensions between regional and international priorities which reduce progress at both levels.13 Such tensions include, for example, the difficulties inherent in balancing Western normative expectations concerning free market liberal capitalism and democracy with pan-African interests and implementation capabilities.14
council contacted the Chinese Foreign Ministry, via its embassy in Beijing, to ask for a ping-pong delegation to be sent to Ghana in May or June of that year.45 Ghana had joined the ITTF in 1961 and was one of only two African nations to send a delegation to the World Championships in Beijing where, according to official results, the players lost every match.46 The request made in 1962 asked for five players (three male and two female) and for a coach who would then remain in Ghana for a year, all expenses paid, to help train the national team for the upcoming first Pan-African
of in this way, race ought not to be seen as a ‘rival’ variable to class. Indeed, as the Pan-African Marxist revolutionary C.L.R. James teaches us, race is not incidental to class any more than class is incidental to race. 59 Thus, just as Western Marxism should continue to be challenged for its failure to understand the struggle of Black people globally, 60 so too should the ‘growing number of self-styled activist-intellectuals’ who adopt ‘racial politics that
took place across the English city. This unrest further Making love, making empire 89 extended into August when the police themselves went on strike and set forth a series of violent protests which were eventually quashed by the deployment of three army battalions, several naval destroyers and a battleship on the River Mersey. In the aftermath of the so-called race riot, commentators sought to place the event in the spiralling unrest that was growing across the British Empire, with the rise of pan-African consciousness, decolonial social movements and the
international activists continued to connect this campaign with anti-colonial movements across the Caribbean and Africa, with which they maintained strong political connections. London provided a unique crucible in which colonialism and racism, and the struggle against them, combined. By the 1950s, Amy Ashwood Garvey had decades of experience organising in and against the British state. She had campaigned against British support for the 1935 Italian invasion of Ethiopia and she had co-organised the Fifth Pan-African Congress, held in Manchester in 1945, 21 which, like the
the fact that the game became ‘an embodiment of the political aspirations of the African people’ and was utilised as an ‘expression of defiance towards the state and of independence from their colonial oppressors’. As independence movements came to fruition across the continent, the game's radical political pedigree further stitched it into the fabric of African cultural and political life. In the immediate post-colonial period, some of the leaders of newly independent African nations, not least Kwame Nkrumah, the Ghanaian father of pan-Africanism