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Kings, wars and an interstate system
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

of man [is] solitary, poore, nasty, brutish and short’ ( 1951 , pp. 185f). Benedict de Spinoza agreed. In a sketch from 1670, Spinoza explains that in the state of nature neither reason nor morality can exist; thus, each man ‘looks to his own interest, according to his own view and acts at his own advantage, and endeavours to preserve that which he loves and to destroy that which he hates’ (Spinoza 1951b , p. 211). This image of the lawless state of nature became a central concept in seventeenth-century political thought. It drove many thinkers to

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
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Musical timekeeping and the security.state
Steve Potter

synchronisation is not needed. If we can speak of a general aesthetic economy of security in the twentieth-century neo-avant-garde, it is curious that in political thought and practice this mechanism of power emerged 150 years earlier. Can it be that music praxis is, in at least this one sense, mirroring a society that has ceased to exist? Discipline as mere fun

in Foucault’s theatres
Daniel Szechi

state it was fighting. Notes 1 For a different interpretation see: Pincus, 1688, passim . Professor Pincus’s explanation is impressively panoramic and appeals to modern sensibilities, but I feel it overcomplicates the issue. 2 Speck, Reluctant Revolutionaries , pp. 125–31. 3 Mark Goldie, ‘The Political Thought of the Anglican Revolution’, in Robert Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford, 1991), pp. 102–36. 4 J. P. Kenyon (ed.), The Stuart Constitution, 1603–1688: Documents and Commentary (Cambridge, 1966), doc

in The Jacobites (second edition)
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The German Revolution of 1918–19 and the passing of the GDR
Matthew Stibbe

question of ‘being’ in the present – and especially putting oneself ‘out there’ – was now given priority over establishing links with the past. Historical change could no longer be measured simply by reference to the ‘false universalism’ of class interest; ideological struggle; political thought; or supposedly singular, world-changing events such as the French Revolution of 1789 or

in Debates on the German Revolution of 1918–19
Matt Qvortrup

III ( Paris : Galimard , 1955 [1755] ), p. 321. 28 M. Qvortrup , “ AV Dicey: The referendum as the people’s veto ”, History of Political Thought 20 ( 3 ) (1999), pp. 531

in Democracy on demand
Zheng Yangwen

Great Leap Forward and People’s Commune Movement. It began in the countryside but was later extended to checking political thought and management in urban areas. Large numbers were drafted into the campaign as they went around the country to cleanse the party structure and bureaucracy. Jiangsu province alone sent nearly 60,000 cadres to the countryside and 20,000 to cities. They held public meetings where many old cadres were put on stage, accused of wrong-doing, humiliated and beaten. The Cultural Revolution had begun. Liu Shaoqi tried to balance economic recovery

in Ten Lessons in Modern Chinese History
Daniel Szechi

://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/21857 . 75 Robert D. Cornwall, Visible and Apostolic: The Constitution of the Church in High Church Anglican and Non-Juror Thought (Newark, DE, 1993); Monod, Jacobitism and the English People , pp.139, 142–3; W. A. Speck (23 September 2004). Mary II (1662–1694), queen of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/18246 . 76 Horwitz, Parliament , pp. 17–19. 77 Mark Goldie, ‘The Roots of True Whiggism 1688–94’, History of Political Thought , i. (1980

in The Jacobites (second edition)
Guns, ships and printing presses
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

both generated conflict and drew momentum from the warfare between competing universal truths. It was an age in which traditional truths were challenged and overthrown before new certainties could be established. The essence of the century’s mentality is hard to pin down. The sixteenth century does not have the clear themes that the fifteenth century had before it and that the seventeenth century would display after it. It was torn between medieval and modern concerns. By the middle of the century, two dimensions had appeared in political thought. One

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
The nineteenth century and the rise of mass participation
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

of the nineteenth century, the discussion of social change yielded three major secular systems of thought in the West. It fragmented the tradition of Western political thought into the three ideologies of liberalism, radicalism and conservatism. An ‘ideology’ is a systematic body of beliefs about the structures and processes of society; it includes a comprehensive theory of human nature that sustains a programme of practical politics. The liberal and the radical ideologies can be seen as continuations of the Enlightenment project; conservatism, by contrast, as a

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
Abstract only
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

arguments were developed by authors like Thomas Paine and Immanuel Kant. The idea existed in various versions within the republican tradition of political thought during the nineteenth century. It was expressed with great conviction by the US President Woodrow Wilson during World War I, and was an important element in the vision that drove him to establish the League of Nations in 1919. It was, however, only in the 1960s that the point was convincingly demonstrated by statistical techniques (for example by Babst 1964 ). In 1983 , Michael Doyle drew much scholarly

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)