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Casper Sylvest

unfavourable view of Sidgwick, rooted in the early twentieth century, has come to dominate our understanding of him as a dry, boring, unprincipled, insecure sophist, whose liberal reformism cannot redeem or outweigh that image. Fortunately, the tide seems to have turned with the recent publication of a bulky intellectual biography.6 Nevertheless, and true to a wider tendency in British intellectual history of this period, the international aspect of Sidgwick’s political thought has been comparatively neglected. Although the general thrust of Sidgwick’s internationalist

in British liberal internationalism, 1880–1930
Abstract only
Evgeny Roshchin

sense of paradox is augmented once we look for conceptions of friendship in fields such as histories of classical political thought and Roman law, in which friendship is not at all an unusual subject and is not a matter of critical valuation of political situations under scrutiny.3 This is not because relations between political communities in the ancient world were radically better than in our own time, but rather because ancient political practice contained different concepts of friendship that were not necessarily connected to the domains of ethics and normative

in Friendship among nations
Abstract only
Evgeny Roshchin

avenue in empirical research on particular cases of friendship among nations. This study has shown that such a concept is not a matter of philosophical speculation but was a widespread linguistic and diplomatic practice, the residual elements of which can still be discovered in the field of treaty-making. The genealogical investigation had to identify the discarded perspectives and peripheries of political practice to show in which regimes and formative junctures the concept was most actively utilised. Going beyond the canonical figures of international political

in Friendship among nations
Abstract only
Helen Thompson

the contingency of the authority and power of states can usefully take us back into the history of political thought, which has M1218 - THOMPSON TXT.qxp:GRAHAM Q7.3 6 10/3/08 13:10 Page 6 Might, right, prosperity and consent become regrettably separated from much contemporary political science, and in particular to early modern debates about reason of state. Although he did not use the term, reason of state was Machiavelli’s legacy to political understanding.11 He insisted, as nobody in western political thought had previously, that preserving authority

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Casper Sylvest

realistic (and more welcome) unification of the German nation. The first of these options was surely anathema to Bryce, even if he recognised its usefulness in turbulent times. ‘No one will deny that it was and is desirable to prevent a universal monarchy in Europe.’37 But he valued order too much to have any sympathy for the fragmentation of ‘Germany’ following the Peace of Westphalia – tellingly, he branded the resulting system ‘vicious’ and argued that it paralysed ‘the trade, the literature, and the political thought of Germany’. 38 Bryce’s hypostatisation of great

in British liberal internationalism, 1880–1930
Casper Sylvest

to increase its popularity or create a school. So if in some ways Sidgwick’s influence was powerful, it was also markedly diffuse. In contrast to Sidgwick, the impact of Herbert Spencer’s social and political thought on twentieth-century liberal internationalists is more easily discernible. However, there are two particular obstacles in the way of appreciating exactly how and why Spencer’s influence took on the character it did. Firstly, it is widely acknowledged that Spencer’s intellectual standing was in decline before his death in 1903, and there is evidence

in British liberal internationalism, 1880–1930
Helen Thompson

of political thought that assumed that large territories could be ruled by only monarchs or emperors. Against all previous assertion, they insisted that a large republic was both possible and desirable. If the disease of republican government was faction, the solution, Madison resolved, was to have a state big enough to disperse divisive interests and passions across it so that they could neutralise each other.15 Applying the principle of representation to all the three branches of government, the founders extended authority over a territory at least ten times

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Dominant approaches
M. Anne Brown

‘denominational’ or partial values – and moreover that we have it, remain powerful assumptions within contemporary political debate. These assumptions can be distinguished from a recognition of the need of mechanisms for the adjudication of disputes. Marking a sharp disjunction with much premodern (and modern absolutist or legalist) European political thought, the rights of the citizen were not understood as the gift of the sovereign, to be extended or withdrawn at will. This remains a critical defining feature of the notion of human rights. For the story

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Volker M. Heins

their former colonies sparked another, much better known conceptual innovation when Jeremy Bentham first introduced the new word ‘international’ in the vocabulary of legal and political thought (Armitage 2013 : 179). Interestingly, the initial testing ground for disciplinary techniques of ‘assimilation’ in what then looked like an increasingly ‘international’ world was the

in Recognition and Global Politics
Tarik Kochi

operating on and across a variety of differing registers. One result of this new line of Hegel-interpretation has been the take-up of a concept of recognition as something of a stand-alone theory within political thought more generally. In particular the very popular philosophical exchange around the concept of recognition between Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser (Fraser and Honneth 2003

in Recognition and Global Politics