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the system in summer 2018 (‘Metro is not a suicidal destination’, 2018), involving mostly very young men and women barely in their twenties.6 It has been extensively commented upon in sardonic tones in the increasingly silenced alternative social media. The public discussions on suicide in the official press have revealed, not by coincidence, that the prioritisation of law and order, and most of all, the Government’s main focus on the flow of traffic, outrank the gravity of the loss of human lives, which, to no one’s astonishment, remains trivial and ‘unimportant
patterns have created various diasporic communities that in some cases have maintained continuous relationships with their communities of origin, and especially in recent years have taken advantage of the internet and social media to rekindle their links. Despite its touristic potential and the presence of abundant natural resources – including oilfields and waterways – Basilicata is still considered representative of some of the worst features of the Italian South, including political and economic clientelism (Zinn 2019 ) and rural underdevelopment (DiMaria 2018
through the rather 130 Knowing data epochal claims made by people like Anderson, they situate data analytics in a longue durée of computational methods for social research. Focusing in particular on transactional data produced by social media and internet-based technologies, boyd and Crawford illustrate that data analysis not only holds the potential to produce new knowledge, but opens the way to a transformation in the very criteria by which knowledge claims are made and assessed. Within anthropology a number of scholars have begun to explore ethnographically and
Growbot Garden Project as DIY Speculation through Design’. In DIY Citizenship: Critical Making and Social Media. Edited by M. Ratto and M. Boler. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 237–65. The data walkshop 231 Flyverbom, M. and Madsen, A.. 2016. ‘Sorting Data Out: Unpacking Big Data Value Chains and Algorithmic Knowledge Production’. In Die Gesellschaft der Daten: Über die digitale Transformation der sozialen Ordnung. Edited by F. Süssenguth. Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 140–61. Forlano, L., 2010. ‘Flash Mob Ethnography Workshop’. Ethnographic Praxis in Industry Conference
between the activists took place mainly through social media, where the Greek activists shared their experiences and often gave advice to their Macedonian counterparts. 11 The activists initiated referendums in the municipalities of Valandovo, Gevgelija, Bogdanci, and Dojran, where citizens were invited to vote in support of or against the Kazandol and other mines that were planned in the area. The decision to have referendums raised the activists’ efforts to another level. The referendum in Gevgelija took place on 23
, the definition was further expanded: Every day, 2.5 quintillion bytes of data are created. These data come from digital pictures, videos, post to social media sites, intelligent sensors, purchase transaction records, and cell phones’ GPS signals, to name a few, and comply with the following attributes: volume, velocity, variety, veracity, variability and value, in other words: Big Data.18 Such definitions led to repetitions of how big data is ‘better’ than data from traditional sources such as censuses and surveys. Most commonly, these potential improvements were
demonstrates, as with any other type of group mobilisation, is that people can become members by participating in the rituals of the group. Performing masculinity The ultras style of fandom provides an important space for the performance of a range of identities. The most prominent of these is performed within the stadium, particularly through choreographies. But identity is performed through everyday interactions. Social media, conversations in the pub and activities on the way to the ground all provide spaces for gendered performances. As highlighted in the previous
individual or small-group level are extremely short. If we cut out the preliminaries and the aftermath, with their insults, noise, and gesturing, and look only at the violence, it is often remarkably brief’ (Collins, 2008: 14). Ethnographic accounts of violence associated with football support this – they generally last from several seconds to a few minutes (Armstrong, 1998). Discussions about the confrontation often last longer than the fight itself (King, 2001). By looking at the complete situation rather than the sporadic images on social media or television, the
interaction at matches or tournaments, or viewing images on social media. Broadly, the ultras movement adopts a certain style of performance (banners, flags, pyrotechnics), often with a political link. Passionate devotion to the team, and the immediate locality are overriding features of these groups as they seek to differentiate themselves from rivals. Violence becomes more prominent for some groups and this leads to repression by State authorities (and is covered in more detail in Chapter 6). This coincides with the politico-economic transformation of football in the 1990
people will later use on social media – sometimes on the spot where the shot was taken, thanks to wireless connection between the camera and a smartphone. Over the years I have given photographs to local museums, where they appear next to archival images, and to institutional publications. This is not just a way of cultivating existing relationships in the field but also a means of expanding the scope of our research by creating new opportunities. There is a danger, though, of interpreting these relationships as a facilitator for an ‘extractive’ practice, thereby