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Ana E. Juncos

launches the Royaumont Process. April 1997: Council of the EU adopts the Regional Approach for the Western Balkan countries. 1999: Stability Pact and Stabilisation and Association Process launched. June 2000: Feira European Council endorses Bosnia’s status of ‘potential candidate’ and the prospect of EU membership

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia
Costas Simitis

of the IMF was unfortunate. ‘The IMF made fun of the Stability Pact’, he argued. Greece.indb 295 3/13/2014 1:56:52 PM 296 Part V: Elections of 6 May and 17 June 2012 27 28 29 30 31 Financial Times, 7 June 2013. Ibid., p. 12. P. Welter, ‘Politische IWF Kredite’, FAZ, 7 June 2013, p. 11. Le Monde, 7 June 2013, p. 6. IMF, transcript of a conference call on Greece Article IV Consultation, with IWF Mission Chief Paul Thomsen, Washington, DC, 5 June 2013. 32 Kathimerini, 9 June 2013, p. 6. 33 Pisani-Ferry et al., EU–IMF Assistance to Euro-Area Countries, pp

in The European debt crisis
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Europeanisation in the making
Boyka Stefanova

instrument for the post-conflict reconstruction of the Western Balkans. The Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe was signed in Cologne on 10 June 1999. 20 The Pact established the ‘European perspective’, which confirmed the EU’s intention to draw Southeastern Europe ‘closer to the perspective of full integration’ and adopted the principle of conditionality (Cortright 2007 : 411). The Pact was designed to

in The Europeanisation of conflict resolution
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Mary Venner

‘stabilisation and association’ process (SAP) for South East Europe. The SAP would provide financial assistance and cooperation to the countries of the former Yugoslavia and Albania in order to ‘draw the region closer to the perspective of full integration into EU structures’. 5 In addition, in June 1999, G8 leaders endorsed the EU’s proposal for a ‘Stability Pact’ which would provide a political framework for

in Donors, technical assistance and public administration in Kosovo
Kamil Całus
Marcin Kosienkowski

which put primary emphasis on implementation of the PCA that had only just entered into force in 1998 (Chirila, 2002: 53–55). From 1998, Moldovan governments continued to pay attention to European integration in their programmes, maintaining it as a strategic objective (Klipii, 2002: 9–26). Moreover, since the launch of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe in 1999, the Moldovan authorities made efforts to join this new EU initiative. They hoped that joining the Balkan group of potential EU candidates would provide Moldova with a clear perspective of EU

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
The Balkan experience
Martin A. Smith

region until the end of the NATO-Serb conflict over Kosovo in mid 1999. Thereafter, it became significantly more proactive. Firstly, in June 1999, the ‘Stability Pact’ was launched for the states of the region, embracing negotiations on security, democratisation and economic reconstruction. 15 Later that same year, Javier Solana, who had been NATO Secretary-General during the Kosovo conflict

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
The triumph of ideology over good sense
Tom Gallagher

Italian centre-left government appointed in 1998 became even more adventurous. D’Alema proposed financing a European economic stimulus programme through euro bonds and not factoring the associated expenditures into the national deficits. Gerhard Schröder in Berlin proved resistant. Yet the German ambassador in Rome cabled home that members of the Italian government were demanding that the budget consolidation be spread out, the stability pact be interpreted more flexibly and Italy be freed ‘from the shackles of the Maastricht Treaty’. Such a stance would hardly be

in Europe’s path to crisis
Alistair Cole

) without its fundamental overhaul, this commitment did not survive the first few months of the presidency, the TSGG being ratified by the French parliament on 11 October 2012 (Drake, 2013 ). Having ratified this key European treaty, France was then treated in a rather indulgent fashion by the European Commission, which revised the country's deficit and debt targets on three occasions (to insist that it meet the Maastricht Stability Pact criteria by 2014, then 2015, and finally by 2017). Hollande was helped by new allies, such as Matteo Renzi's Italy, and above all by

in Emmanuel Macron and the two years that changed France
Abstract only
Costas Simitis

wanted to handle the various matters without the restrictions deriving from the Stability Pact and super­ vision of the country. The advances made to the IMF at the end of 2009, and the talks with the US Treasury, indicate its desire to determine a path without European directives. But even later, in the first months of 2010, when help from Europe proved inevitable, it did not adjust its policy to the situation but followed a tactic of bilateral contacts, in which France played a central role, thereby downgrading Greece’s relations with other countries. Differentiating

in The European debt crisis
Isabelle Hertner

much mistrusts the European Union because the European Union is not democratic. I remember very well our tensions between 1995 and 1997 when we prepared the election manifesto, in particular the section on the single currency and the stability pact. Jospin is much more reserved when it comes to the stability pact. We have had long discussions before bringing the topic up in the national bureau. Jospin asked me to see him at his place where we had long discussions. He asked me: ‘in the end, what is it about, this stability pact? Who created it?’ I said: the European

in Centre-left parties and the European Union