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of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and a member of the Belfast Housing Action Committee. He joined the Republican movement in 1964. In March 1972 Adams was interned in Long Kesh under suspicion of terrorism but was released in July 1972 to take part in secret talks between the UK Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). He was rearrested in 1973 and tried to escape from the
to be focused more on out-of-area missions, which became the principal role of the Bundeswehr, a focus largely accepted across the nation’s political spectrum. Germany’s combat role in Kosovo in 1999, a critical juncture in this development, considerably increased the momentum to modernise the Bundeswehr, an objective given even greater impetus by the events of September 11 2001 and the subsequent war on terrorism, imposing on German security thinking a global perspective and exploding the notion that traditional national and alliance defence remained the core
terrorism (often in overtly racialized terms) (see Wieviorka 2012 ), yet this attention has also generated wider questions about the seemingly enigmatic nature of, and the boundaries between, right and wrong in a turbulent global environment beset as much by confusion, uncertainty and conflict as by integration, interdependence and cooperation (Hayden 2009 ; Jeffery 2008
President from Henry A. Kissinger, undated, NSCIHF, Meeting Files, Senior Review Group Meetings, Box H-061, NPMP. 221 A number of works have focused more keenly upon the interplay between domestic politics and their influence on the course of US foreign policy. For the best overviews see: Melvin Small, Democracy and Diplomacy: The Impact of Domestic Politics on U.S. Foreign Policy, 1789–1994 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Julian E. Zelizer, Arsenals of Democracy: The Politics of National Security – From World War II to the War on Terrorism (New York
the conceptualisations of war offered by Clausewitz when arriving at their definition ( Liff, 2012 , p. 408). However, even these widely accepted tenets of warfare are not safe within the definitional debate and a new definition of war may be required due to the ‘unpredictable nature of damage that cyber-attack can inflict’ ( Farwell and Rohozinski, 2012 , p. 113). Terrorism provides another rich vein of definitional work, albeit one in which ‘the lack of a consistent definition of terrorism’ presents a ‘significant barrier’ ( Embar-Seddon, 2002 , p. 1034
machines, the result can be devastating’ ( McAfee, 2012 ). The threat posed by cyber-crime is characterised as being more of a risk to the UK than a nuclear strike ( BullGuard, 2013c ) and even some more conservative assessments still rank similar threats very highly, with only terrorism and nuclear proliferation usurping them ( ESET Research, 2010b ). Elsewhere, cyberterrorism is said to be ‘the number one national security threat to the U.S.’, with terrorist organisations increasingly developing ‘digital specialists’ with particular interest in exploiting
), as well as millions of home users. So while these companies do pitch their content to a specific audience (user, business, IT professionals, government), with the exception of very technical, data-heavy reports, they tend not to do so in a manner that closes off the topic to a certain demographic. From the industry’s perspective, all of these threats are of relevance to everybody who relies on computers and the internet; cybersecurity is a collective, all-encompassing problem. Even the presence of terms like ‘cyber-war’, ‘cyber-terrorism’ and ‘cyber
, visiting American officials were often puzzled by the fact that all the leaders had an authoritarian governing style that approximated to the form of rule when each state had been a Soviet republic. In fact, some of these leaders had simply stayed on in the job after the 1991 transition. American officials were bold to criticize that pattern of rule in the new allies during the struggle against terrorism, and they often suggested that democratic reforms would be a fine idea. Such pressure nudged the Central Asian regimes back toward greater closeness to Russia, and the
bound to influence American–Russian relations in significant ways. It is clear that the Afghan War brought the two together, while the Iraq and Georgia wars drove them apart. To Russia, the 9/11 attacks resembled very much the Chechen attacks on key civilian gatherings in Russia, and in that light it was willing to work with the Bush administration in controlling Afghan-based terrorism. However, the attacks on Iraq seemed to President Putin to have less justification and to be either excessive or an example of the new American unilateralism. Georgia's vulnerability to
-war and cyber-terrorism; the recognition that cyber weapons are available to ‘everyone’; the uncertainty around the attackers and their ability to conceal themselves; the creation of new dimensions of vulnerability brought about by breadth of the internet and the subsequent broadening of referent objects; the ‘newness’ of the threat such that it renders old defences ‘useless’; and the necessity for interdependence between public and private actors given the shared nature of the risk. This framing becomes ‘set in stone’ ( Dunn Cavelty, 2008 , p. 99), in part through the