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Andy Spinoza

his oft-quoted Sid Vicious’s verdict of ‘the man in the street’. The week after the June 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre of demonstrators by the Chinese state, on his early hours TV magazine The Other Side of Midnight Wilson opined that, as regrettable as the events were, it was important not to forget that China had raised hundreds of millions out of poverty. Lack of controversy was ensured by the fact barely anyone was watching. Given Burnham’s Liverpudlian origins, would Wilson have employed an

in Manchester unspun
Abstract only
Britishness, empire, and Hong Kong
Mark Hampton

after what John Darwin terms the end of the ‘British World-System’? 4 Was it dismay at the handing-over of six million imperial subjects to a Communist regime, barely eight years after the Tiananmen Square massacre? Was it a protest against what many regarded as a humiliating retreat following Margaret Thatcher’s failed negotiations in the early 1980s, symbolised by the public spill the Prime Minister took at one of the meetings

in Hong Kong and British culture, 1945–97
Abstract only
Neil Collins
and
Andrew Cottey

opportunities. . . . China has opened its door, and will never close it again. (quoted in Roy 1998: 33) From the early 1980s, China gradually set about implementing this new policy: the country was opened up to foreign investment; exportoriented industries were encouraged; and, initiatives were launched to resolve historic disputes and promote political and economic cooperation with most neighbouring states. The post-1949 goal of promoting revolution elsewhere in the world, already downgraded since the 1960s, was quietly abandoned. The 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre might

in Understanding Chinese politics
Postwar contexts
Mark Hampton

nationalised and confiscatory taxes supported a ‘cradle-to-grave’ Welfare State and a sharp reduction in income inequality. The prospect of imperial retreat from Hong Kong may not have bothered most Britons, but the prospect of handing over several million British subjects to a tyrannical Communist regime (particularly after the Tiananmen Square massacre) disturbed many, obviously conflicting as it did with

in Hong Kong and British culture, 1945–97
Jane Chin Davidson

Inside the Italian Communist Party to Louis Althusser (1969) and Daily Life in Revolutionary China (1971) – provide a record of the influence of Maoist thought on Communist intellectuals in Europe (especially the French) during the 1960s. The utopic anti-capitalist dream and the fantasy of a proletariat revolution was thought to be realized by Mao’s Cultural Revolution (1966–76). The end of the anti-capitalist dream was secured by the 1989 collapse of Communist orders, signaled by the Tiananmen Square massacre, the dissolution of the Berlin Wall, and the break-up of

in Staging art and Chineseness
Peace movements in East and West Germany in the 1980s
Holger Nehring

Square massacre in China in June 1989 had drawn significant criticism and had already become a topic in the GDR protests. Although party newspapers still called activists ‘dangerous rowdies bent on violence’ in early September and while Honecker had prepared the security forces for a national state of emergency, by early October 1989 the situation looked decisively different. 56 The cold civil war had turned real on Dresden’s streets at the beginning of the month, leading to much bloodshed between protesters and the police around the railway station. 57 But rather than

in The 1989 Revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe
Axel Berkofsky

embargo imposed on China in 1989 was always the most central issue on the dialogue’s agenda, it is accurate to conclude that the motivation for Tokyo to initiate regular exchanges on East Asian security in the framework of its dialogue with the EU on East Asian security was identical to Washington’s motivations in 2004: institutionalising political pressure on Brussels not to lift the weapons embargo imposed on China after the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989 ( Berkofsky, 2012 ). Today, that dialogue continues, and its main objective is for the parties to informally

in Japan's new security partnerships
Neil Collins
and
Andrew Cottey

private hands. So, as Saich puts it: ‘the vertical and cellular boundaries of the traditional Leninist system have become more porous’ (Saich 2002: 75). Nevertheless, to understand the governing of the Chinese state, it is necessary to appreciate the pervasive role of the CCP. As Perry asserted in 2005: ‘nearly three decades after Mao’s death and more than fifteen years past June Fourth [the Tiananmen Square massacre], China remains a Leninist party-state’ (Perry 2005: 7). To understand the governing of the Chinese state in this context of change, this chapter will

in Understanding Chinese politics
David Milne

Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989, when Chinese troops attacked pro-​democracy demonstrators in Beijing and across the nation, killing hundreds and injuring thousands. He attacked Bush for failing to engage seriously with the looming crisis in the former Yugoslavia, where Slobodan 182 182 American foreign policy Milosevic’s Serbia posed a serious threat to regional stability, and whose army had Bosnia’s Muslim population in its sights. Clinton believed that James Baker’s callous assessment of the crisis in the Balkans –​‘we don’t have a dog in that fight’83 –​revealed

in American foreign policy
How state preferences influence campaign forms
Stephen Noakes

matter as much as the mere existence of ties. HIV/​AIDS and global warming activists forged their relationships with the state on the basis of professional credibility, rather than personal networks or kinship, suggesting that what one knows is equally as important as who one knows. Third, while generally it is thought that China has seen an across-​the-​ board reduction in the nature and degree of state repression since the Tiananmen Square massacre, it is important to remember that almost all foreign activists working on Chinese soil are subject to constraints in one

in The advocacy trap