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Katy Hayward

. This perhaps explains some of the divergence from the script around the first referendum on the Treaty of Nice in 2001, in which several Fianna Fáil government ministers were more frank than ever before in expressing concern about the direction of European integration (Hayward, 2002). Regardless of whether the ‘yes’ campaigning of government ministers is done whilst wearing an official hat, official discourse becomes no less important or revealing around referendums on EU treaties. The use of the ‘national interest’ card remains as frequent as ever in pro

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Abstract only
Nationalism in internationalism
Michael Holmes
and
Kathryn Simpson

rejection of the Nice and Lisbon treaties in Ireland. Because of the perception of Ireland as a good European, ‘when Ireland voted No to the Treaty of Nice in June 2001, the reaction in many quarters was as if a good pupil had suddenly misbehaved’ ( Holmes 2005a : 1). The further No vote on the Treaty of Lisbon in 2008 suggested that ‘Ireland’s long-standing consensus on the

in Ireland and the European Union
Gary Murphy

higher and lower levels to 42 and 20 per cent respectively was put forward by the government as both a cause and an effect of the economic boom. Warnings from Europe about government spending and the state of the public finances found no real outlet amongst the opposition parties and were summarily dismissed by the government and by McCreevy in particular. This is best summed up by the government’s attitude towards the first Treaty of Nice referendum campaign. The Treaty of Nice was agreed by the member states of the European Union in December 2000, and the government

in Electoral competition in Ireland since 1987
Katy Hayward

strongly reiterated at such times, as seen in the following quotations from speeches given by Taoiseach Bertie Ahern in the lead-up to and the aftermath of the first referendum on the Treaty of Nice: the Irish people are among the most positive in Europe about the EU . . .We are strongly committed and enthusiastic members . . . Excited reports of growing Irish Euroscepticism are well wide of the mark. (Ahern, 1 March 2001b) I wish to state that the Government, the vast majority of the members of this House and in my view the vast majority of the Irish people are

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Geoffrey K. Roberts
and
Patricia Hogwood

streitbare Demokratie Structural Funds [See: Economic and Social Cohesion] subsidiarity Suez crisis Tangentopoli terrorism Treaties of Rome Treaty of European Union (TEU) [See: Maastricht Treaty] Treaty of Nice Treuhandanstalt Trizonia [See: Bizonia] two-ballot electoral system ‘Two

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
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Eliciting a response from the Irish parliament to European integration
Gavin Barrett

Paper on a European Communication Policy.171 The Committee could also focus on important issues, instead of being forced by unsuitable terms of reference –​as had been its predecessor, the Joint Committee on the Secondary Legislation of the Communities –​to concentrate most of its energies in the dry exercise of working through myriad European legislative proposals (a task it happily left to its Scrutiny Sub-​Committee). In 2001, to give a randomly-​chosen example, the Committee held meetings dealing with such subjects as the Treaty of Nice, the introduction of the

in The evolving role of national parliaments in the European Union
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Institutional learning and adaptation to Europe
Nicholas Rees
,
Bríd Quinn
, and
Bernadette Connaughton

:45 Page 201 Conclusions 1111 21 3 4 51 6 7 8 9 10 1 1112 3 411 5 6 7 8 9 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 40 1 211 201 European affairs. It is interesting to note that it took a significant shock to the political system – namely the failure to ratify the Treaty of Nice during the first referendum in 2001 – to change government–parliamentary relations (see chapter 4). Irish political elites had taken developments in the EU and Irish public support too much for granted, failing to recognise that events in Europe were distant from everyday concerns of Irish

in Europeanisation and new patterns of governance in Ireland
Simon Bulmer
and
Martin Burch

Critical juncture? 1957 1961 1967 1973 1975 1986 1992 1997 1997–98 1999 2001 Treaty of Rome UK application for entry Second UK application UK accession Referendum on re-negotiated terms of entry Single European Act Treaty on European Union (Maastricht) Amsterdam Treaty New Labour – Step Change initiative Devolution Treaty of Nice No Yes No Yes No No Yes No Yes Yes No and the extent of resource devoted to it; and the Maastricht Treaty which saw little immediate change but because of its three-pillared nature spawned a more fragmented structure within Whitehall with

in The Europeanisation of Whitehall
Christian Kaunert

attained by the EU, rather than a collection of member states. Second, decision-making authority rests with the Council of Ministers, an institution of the EU, rather than the member states as a group. Third, a change introduced by the Treaty of Nice, Article 24(2), provides for instances where a qualified majority voting shall be used in the Council for any measures implementing decisions adopted for purposes other than

in European internal security
Nicholas Rees

fight against terrorism Copenhagen European Council, December 2002 ‘Berlin Plus’: EU access to NATO assets for RRF crisis management exercises Treaty of Nice, 2001 (2003) Formal institutionalisation of existing structures 5306ST New Patterns-C/lb.qxd 3/9/09 16:45 Page 175 Ireland’s foreign relations 1111 21 3 4 51 6 7 8 9 10 1 1112 3 411 5 6 7 8 9 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 40 1 211 Convention on Europe, 2003 175 EU Foreign Minister Draft Constitutional Treaty, July 2003 Solidarity clause Issue of Mutual Defence External Action Service

in Europeanisation and new patterns of governance in Ireland