President at the wedding scene, as the director tells us in the
extras on the DVD package (‘Audio Interview with Director Alfonso
Cuarón’). The impact of this private sponsorship on the film is not
directly obvious; however, the production context of a film is central
to an analysis of the political nature of the text. This is especially significant with a film which purports to critique bourgeois values and
neo-liberalism, and to show the ‘other’ (mestizo) Mexico. I will argue
below that the film adopts a soft brand of corporate anti-globalisation;
that is, it presents a
and with a politics of belonging that is widespread among the rural population.
Balcony environmentalists, hunters and farmers: narratives of Heimat in dispute
The return of the right-thinking Germans to the East to repopulate the (imagined) ‘empty lands’ goes hand in hand with ideas of ‘purification’ of German territories and strong anti-immigration attitudes. These ideas are neatly interwoven with anti-globalisation, anti-system and anti-cosmopolitan themes, and fuelling attacks of the AfD against the Green party, city dwellers and Western Germans. All
How do we think about radical politics today, in the wake of the collapse of Marxist-Leninism and the triumph of neo-liberal capitalism? How should radical political theory respond to new challenges posed by globalisation, postmodernity, the ‘war on terror’ and the rise of religious fundamentalism? How are we to take account of the new social movements and political struggles appearing on the global horizon? In addressing these questions, this book explores the theme of universality and its place in radical political theory. It argues that both Marxist politics of class struggle and the postmodern politics of difference have reached their historical and political limits, and that what is needed is a new approach to universality, a new way of thinking about collective politics. By exploring various themes and ideas within poststructuralist and post-Marxist theory, the book develops a new approach to universality — one that has implications for politics today, particularly on questions of power, subjectivity, ethics and democracy. In so doing, it engages in debates with thinkers such as Laclau, Žižek, Badiou and Rancière over the future of radical politics. The book also applies theoretical insights to contemporary events such as the emergence of the anti-globalisation movement, the ‘war on terrorism’, the rise of anti-immigrant racism and the nihilistic violence that lurks at the margins of the political.
This book is a wide-ranging survey of the development of mass movements for democracy and workers’ rights in northern England. It surveys movements throughout the whole period, from the first working-class radical societies of the 1790s to trade unions in the 1830s and Chartists and Owenite socialists in the 1840s. It offers a provocative narrative of the privatisation of public space and workers’ dispossession from place, with parallels for contemporary debates about protests in public space and democracy and anti-globalisation movements. Space and place are central to the strategies and meaning of protest. The book examines the reaction by governments and local authorities, who sought to restrict public and private political meetings, demonstrations and marches. It charts the physical and symbolic conflicts over who had the right to speak and meet in northern England. The Peterloo Massacre of 1819 marked a particularly significant turning point in the relationship between government, local elites and the working classes. Radicals, organised labour and Chartists fought back by challenging their exclusion from public spaces, creating their own sites and eventually constructing their own buildings. They looked to new horizons, including America. This book also examines the relationship of protesters with place. Rural resistance, including enclosure riots, arson and machine-breaking during Luddism in 1812 and the Captain Swing agitation of the early 1830s, demonstrated communities’ defence of their landscape as a place of livelihood and customary rights.
investigation considers that while ‘anti-capitalism’ is an inherently amorphous descriptor of diverse political positions, and it has been used to characterise a broad swathe of political-economic situations, as Simon Tormey (2013) notes, following the GFC the term was most often used to describe broad-ranging opposition to neoliberal capitalism. Anti-globalisation and anti-US neo-colonial movements of the 1990s and 2000s, for instance, were not all necessarily opposed to the core and enduring tenets of capitalism as an economic model, although they were often relatively
Precarious objects is a book about activism and design. The context is the changes in work and employment from permanent to precarious arrangements in the twenty-first century in Italy. The book presents design interventions that address precarity as a defuturing force affecting political, social and material conditions. Precarious objects shows how design objects, called here ‘orientation devices’, recode political communication and reorient how things are imagined, produced and circulated. It also shows how design as a practice can reconfigure material conditions and prefigure ways to repair some of the effects of precarity on everyday life. Three microhistories illustrate activist repertoires that bring into play design, and design practices that are grounded in activism. While the vitality, experimental nature and traffic between theory and praxis of social movements in Italy have consistently attracted the interest of activists, students and researchers in diverse fields, there exists little in the area of design research. This is a study of design activism at the intersection of design theory and cultural research for researchers and students interested in design studies, cultural studies, social movements and Italian studies.
another. Latham Hunter’s (2003) analysis of
representations of masculinity at the movies confirms this. Hunter cites
the influence of several popular films on everyday practices and attitudes:
the popularity of British movie Billy Elliot (2000), for example, saw a
significant increase in the number of boys taking up ballet. As Hunter
points out, ‘film is not just text … it also influences the circumstances
of culture’ (2003: 71). In innumerable ways, on-screen and off-screen
Criticising global Hollywood: globophobia
Nationalism has reasserted itself today as the political force of our times, remaking European politics wherever one looks. Britain is no exception, and in the midst of Brexit, it has even become a vanguard of nationalism's confident return to the mainstream. Brexit, in the course of generating a historically unique standard of sociopolitical uncertainty and constitutional intrigue, tore apart the two-party compact that had defined the parameters of political contestation for much of twentieth-century Britain. This book offers a wide-ranging picture of the different theoretical accounts relevant to addressing nationalism. It briefly repudiates the increasingly common attempts to read contemporary politics through the lens of populism. The book explores the assertion of 'muscular liberalism' and civic nationalism. It examines more traditional, conservative appeals to racialised notions of blood, territory, purity and tradition as a means of reclaiming the nation. The book also examines how neoliberalism, through its recourse to discourses of meritocracy, entrepreneurial self and individual will, alongside its exaltation of a 'points-system' approach to the ills of immigration, engineers its own unique rendition of the nationalist crisis. There are a number of important themes through which the process of liberal nationalism can be documented - what Arun Kundnani captured, simply and concisely, as the entrenchment of 'values racism'. These include the 'faux-feminist' demonisation of Muslims.
subsequent split from the (Trotskyist)
Fourth International. Clift eventually established the SWP in its present format
in 1977, having evolved through various incarnations. Throughout the 1990s
the SWP was established as the dominant player on the far-left of British politics, following the waning of the industrial unrest of the 1970s and 1980s and
the eventual failure of entryist projects.
Although often described enigmatically as the ‘anti-globalisation’ movement by commentators and many of its practitioners, the transnational protest
movement during the 1990s was seen
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.